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UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS OF

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
^OL. I NO. 1

ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS

BY

FRANK G. SPECK

DissertatJon presented to the Faculty of the University of Pennsylvania
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

i'ii.i_^ij...i:ruiA

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

w

I UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS OF

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
VOL. I. NO. 1.

ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS

BY

FRANK G. SPECK

GEORGE LEIB HARRISON FELLOW IN ANTHROPOLOGY

PHILADELPHIA
PUBLISHED BV THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

1909

Cll

Gift

The Uaiveraity

28 0 '0&

CONTENTS.

PAGE

INTRODUCTION 5

THE YUCHI INDIANS 6

HISTORICAL SKETCH 7

POPULATION 9

ENVIRONMENT 11

Neighbors 11

Natural Environment 13

LANGUAGE 15

MATERIAL CULTURE 18

Agriculture 18

Hunting 19

Fishing 23

Pottery and Work in Clay 25

Basket Making 31

Other Occupations 34

Houses 37

Domestic Utensils 41

Food and its Preparation 42

Dress and Ornament 46

DECORATIVE ART AND SYMBOLISM 54

MUSIC 61

DIVISION OF TIME 67

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 68

Kinship 68

The Clans 70

crimes and punishments 73

The Societies 74

(3)

4 CON'TKXTS.

I'AGi:

SOt'lAl. AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION.— Continued.

The Town and Town Square 78

Town Officials and Council 81

WARFARE 84

GAMES 86

CUSTOMS 91

Birth 91

Naming 93

rl\rriage 95

Initiation 96

Menstruation 96

Burial 97

Miscellaneous 99

HELIGION 102

Religious Beliefs and Folklore 102

Symbolism of the Town Square Ill

Ceremonies 112

The Annual Town Ceremonies 116

NEW fire rite 120

scarification rite 121

the rite of the emetic 122

dancing 124

Treatment of Disease 132

shamanism 132

ceremonies 135

AMULETS 137

MYTHOLOGY 138

SUPPLEMENTARY MYTHS 143

ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS.

INTRODUCTION.

Ill the siiminpi-s of 1904 and 1905 I spent a total of about four months
among the Yuchi Iiidians of the Creek nation in Oklahoma collecting material
for the Bureau of American Ethnology. The investigation was undertaken at
the recommendation of Dr. Franz Boas of Columbia University. Funds to
cover transportation and the collection of ethnological specimens were funiisheil
by the American Museum of Natural Histor>' upon both occasions under Dr.
Boas's rcconmiendation. The greater part of the ethnological material
offered in this paper was t)btained at the same time, and is published with the
l)ermission of both the scientific institutions concerned.

Again during the winter of 1908 while holding a Harrison fellowshij) at the
University of Pennsylvania, I was able under special provision of the Provost
to make a third visit to the Yuchi for the purpose of completing my observa-
tions, and the studies which are embodied in th(> pri-sent work took their final
form during this ])eriod.

It has been my object simply to give an account of the Yuchi Indians
as they exist at tiie present day and as they presented themselves to me during
my several periods of residence among them, purposely avoiding any
lengthy discussion of the conditions which I encountered. Much of the
description is based directly upon observ-ation; the rest of the matter was
obtained from informants who are responsible for its accuracy

.\mong the latter were Gxmbesi'nc (.Jim Brown), Ektlane (Louis Long),
Ka'Kd (John Wolf), George Clinton, John Big Pond, Go"la''tch!c (Jim Tiger),
Henrj' Long, and Fago^o"-ivi'. all of whom held civil or religious offices in the
tribe, and others \v\u> from time to time appeared to be well informed upon
special topics.

(5)

AN'THKOPO LOGICAL PDB. UNIV. OF PA. IIUSEUM, VOL. I.

THE YUCHI INDIANS.

Among the iudigonous tribes of the southeastern United States, living
within a territory roughly defined by the borders of Georgia and South Carolina,
was one, exhibiting a type of culture common to the inhabitants of the
country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico east of the Mississippi river, whose
members called themselves Tsoyabd, "Offspring of the Sun," othenvise known
as the Yuchi. Constituting an independent linguistic stock (called Uchean
in Powell's classification), their earliest associations, in so far as these are
revealed by history and tradition, were identified with the banks of the
Savannah river where they lived at a very early time in contact with a
southern band of Shawnee, and near the seats of the Cherokee, the Catawba,
the Santee, and the Yamasi. These tribes, together with the Yuchi,
represent five distinct linguistic stocks; a greater diversity of language than
is usually found in so restricted an area east of the Mississippi. The Yuchi
maintain that they were originally one of the large tribes of the Southeast
which, suffering oppression at the hands of encroaching tribes of the Muskogian
stock, became much reduced and was finally incorporated, together with the
Shawnee, into the loose coalition of southeastern tribes known in colonial
history as the Creek confederacy or the Creek Nation. Indeed it is supposed,
and is moreover highly probable, that in the course of extended migrations
the Creeks pressed for a considerable length of time upon the Yuchi, who, in
a fruitless effort to check the advance of the Muskogi confederacy, resisted
the pressure as long as they were able, eventually made peace and themselves
joined the league.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YDCHI INDIANS.

HISTORICAL SKETCH

The early historical and literary sources of information about the Yuchi are
very meagre indeed. De Soto in his invasion of the Florida wilderness (1540)
is believed to have entered Yuchi territory, and it may be granted that an
examination of some names mentioned by his chroniclers would appear to give
some color to this belief.^ Among other examples of the kind a to-mi
named Cofitachiqui, variously spelled, where De Soto was hospitably received
by the "Queen," is believed without much hesitation by some writers to have
been a Yuchi town. The Yuchi, however, do not recognize the tenus Cofi-
tachiqui, Cutifachiqui, or any similar forms of the name given by Biedma,
Ranjel, or the Gentleman of Elvas. On the other hand, evidence of De Soto's
contact with the Yuchi is not entirely wanting in these narratives, for we are
told of a captive who clamied to belong to a people eastward in a land called
"Yupaha," which in Yuchi means 'in the distant heights,' (yuba, 'far high,' he
'in,') or 'the high people' {yuba, ha collective particle, 'people'). This piece of
evidence stands quite by itself, for it is rather hazardous to attempt to identify
with the Yuchi any of the other tribal names given by the Spanish explorers.
There is a possibility that the French under Ribault and Laudonniere came in
contact with the Yuchi, or at least with tribes of similar culture, at the mouth
of the St. John's river at Fort Caroline in 1564, but the evidence furnished by
a study of names is not any more satisfactory in this case. The customs of
the natives encountered, however, agree with those of the Yuchi, judging
from the pictures made by Le Moyne,^ the artist of the expedition.

About the year 1729 the Yuchi are supposed to have been gathered on the
Chattahoochee river under the protection of the Creek confederacy. Hardly
anything more is heard of the tribe until shortly before 1791, when it was
visited by William Bartram of Philadelphia, who recorded a few facts about
Yuchi town and its houses.^ He thought the Indians numbered 1000 or
1500, as they were said to muster 500 gun men. Later, in 1798-99, we find
the Yuchi described by Benj. Hawkins,^ as constituting one of the chief
towns of the Lower Creeks, located on the right bank of the Chattahoochee
river, having three villages and 250 gun men. His other remarks are not of

' Narratives of De Soto (in Trailmakers' Series), Vols. I and II.
' De Bry, Larger Voyage, Part II, Florida (English).

' Travels through North and South Carolina and Georgia, etc., Phila., 1791, p. 388.
' Sketch of Creek Country, published in Collection, Georgia Historical Society
(1848), p. 62.

8 AXTIIROPOLOOICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MfSKlM, VOI.. I.

iTHich ethnological value. During the Creek War (1813-1814), the Yuchi
took a prominent part in aiTairs, and later removed (1836) with the so-called
Creek Nation to the lands beyond the Mississippi river where they are now
located. They still maintain to a certain degree their cultural unity in
spite of contact with aliens for so long a period. In 1900-1901 some of
them joined the Crazy Snake band of Creeks who threatened trouble for
the Dawes Commission over the allotment of lands in the Creek Nation.

The main published sources of information on the Yuchi are the following:
Albert Gallatin collected and published a vocabulary almost useless on account
of inadequate orthography.' Gatschet gives some ethnologic notes,^ a brief
sumnian,' of the language,^ three Yuchi myths,* and also a very general
description of the tribo.^

Other references to the Yuchi in literature are mostly ((notations from
the sources mentioned. A short review of the chief characteristics of Yuchi
ethnology is to be found in the Handbook of the .\merican Indians. ° In a
general article on southeastern culture,' Yuchi material was also used by the
wTiter for comparative pm-poses.

The Yuchi, in accordance with their belief that they wi-rc the original occu-
pants of eastern Georgia and South Carolina, have no migration legend. Their
only myth of this class tells how a part of the tribe broke away from the main
stock as the result of a dispute at a dance and departed westward, never to
be heard of again. This tradition, like many others, is found widely distributed
over America in various guises and evidently reflects certain elements common
to Indian mythology rather than an actual experience of the tribe relating it.
At the same time the Indians have a very firm belief that another band of
Yuchi is somewhere in existence, a belief which, while it has nothing to support
it except the stories that they tell, should not, perhaps, be altogether ignored.'

' American Aiitiqimriaii. \'ol. II (18361, pp. 306 rl srq.

nbid. (1879), p. 77.

' Science, Apr., 1887, p. 413.

'American .\nthropologist. Vol. YI (1893), p. 280.

'Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (1884), Vol. I, pp. 17-24, Vol. II, passim.

' Bulletin 30, Bureau American Ethnology (1907), part 2.

' American Anthropologi.st. N. S., Vol. 9, No. 2 (1907), pp. 287-29.=>.

' .\ chief related the following incident in mentioning this tradition, "I was in Mus-
kogee (Oklahoma). I passed an Indian on the street. We spoke together. He said he was a
Yuchi from near the mountain,?. We could understand each other, but he was not a Yuchi
of our country. I don't know where he belonged or where he went. He may have been
one of the other band." On anothei occasion some Yuchi who were attending an Indian
show were addressed by a strange Indian in the following words: " Wigya' neiiA",''
' What are you?' They observed, they say, a slight difference between his speech and
theirs, but before they could find out from him where he came from he was called away
by someone and they could not find him again. The Yuchi talk a great deal about these
occasions, and seem to have hopes of finding the lost people some d.ay.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE Vrcill INDFAXS.

POPULATION.

At the present day the Yiichi are located in the northwestern part of the
Creek nation, where they have been since the removal in 1836. They inhabit
the well-watered hills in the section known locally as the Cross Timber, a
thinly wooded tract running in a general northerly and southerly direction
through central Oklahoma, the last extensive frontier of timber on the south-
western prairies marking the old boundaries of Oklahoma and Indian Terri-
tory. There are in this region three so-called settlements of Yuchi, called
respectively Polecat, Sand Creek and Big Pond by the whites. All of these
settlements are distributed in a region extending from Polecat Creek to the
Deep Fork of the Canadian river. When, however, the temi settlement is
used for such inhabited districts it is a little misleading because, although
the Indians are a little more closely grouped in the three neighborhoods men-
tioned, they are really scattered over the whole of the Cross Timber countrj',
none of which is thickly settled by them. Their plantations, where they
engage in agriculture or in cattle raising, are not in close proxunity to each
other, except where some passable road and the nearness to good water and
arable soil combine to attract them. In such cases there may be a dozen
families found within the radius of a mile or so. In some parts of their habitat,
however, ten or twelve miles of forest and prairie affording good cover for
game may be traversed without passing a plantation. Thus, according to
their own accounts as well as those of their neighbors the Creeks, the Yuchi
were accustomed to live in their old homes in Georgia and Alabama.

It is a very difficult matter at present to estimate the niunber of the Yuchi
on account of their scattered condition. As no separate classification is made
for them in the government census they are counted as Creeks. Their numbers,
however, can hardly exceed five hundred. They are apparently most numerous
in the vicinity of Polecat Creek. The other neighborhoods are somewhat less
populous but are regarded as being a little more conservative.

Despite the fact that three settlements are recognized by themselves and
their neighbors, the Yuchi constitute only a single town in the eyes of the
Creeks. The latter, as is well known, had a national convention in which
delegates were received from all the towns and tribes of the confederacy.
Accordingly the Yuchi, as one of the confederated town-tribes, had the privi-
lege of sending one representative to the House of Kings and four to the House
of Warriors, as they called the two political assemblies of the Creek Nation
at Muscogee. This convention met once a vear until 1906 and was a modified

10 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

and modernized svin-ival of the form of assembly held in the old days by the
tribes constituting the Muskogian aUiance. These bodies met irregularly to
consider questions which arose between them, as a loosely united league, and
the United States Govermnent or other tribes. If the numerical strength of
the tribe recorded by Bart ram in 1791 and Hawkins in 1798-99 can be regarded
as approximately correct the Yuchi must now be on the decrease. Bartram
thought there were 500 gun men, and Hawkins stated, only a few years later,
that there were 250 gim men. In any case, granting the existence of inaccu-
racies in both estimates, it is safe to conclude that the numbers of the Yuchi,
like the other surviving tribes of the Southeast, have dwindled slightly in the
last hundred years. Numerical comparisons of this sort between past and
present are, however, of ver\- little value, as can be seen from the wide discrep-
ancies in the early estimates.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 11

ENVIRONMENT.

Neighbors.

The Yuchi of the present time have nearly forgotten their old associations
east of the Mississippi. Their geographical knowledge is practically limited
to their immediate surroundings. They are known to the Creeks as Yii'tci,
plural YutcA'lgi, to the Cherokee as Yu'tsi, and to the Chickasaw as Yii'tci. An
informant stated that they were known to the Comanche as Saky&wA".

To the Yuchi their near neighbors the Creeks are known as Ku'ha, ' looking
this way' (?), plural Ku'baha. The Shawiiee they call Yo"'cta, the Cherokee
Tsala''ki, and the Choctaw Tca^'ta. Their name for whites in general is Ka"ka
(Goydka) 'man white,' for negroes Go'cpi, 'man black.'

In their bearing towards other tribes it is noticeable that the Yuchi hold
them in some contempt. They seldom mix socially with the Creeks, presum-
ably because of their former enmity. A strong feeling of friendship is, how-
ever, manifested toward the Shawnee, which is probably a sentiment surviving
from early affiliation with the southern branch of this people on the Savannah
river.^ It should be added, however, that the Shawnee who associate with
the Yuchi are not part of the large band known as the Absentee Sha-miee of
Oklahoma. The former are not at all numerous, but live scattered among the
Yuchi villages.

With their neighbors on the west, the Sauk and Fox, the Yuchi have devel-
oped, since the removal, considerable intimacy. Their contact can be traced
in trade, in attendance upon each other's ceremonies, and especially in the
Plains practice of "sweating" horses, which will be described later. It is not
impossible that some of the items of Yuchi culture, particularly in decora-
tive art, may be found to have been derived from the Sauk and Fox when
more is known on both sides.

The following translation from the beginning of a myth, describing the way
in which the tribes were distributed over the earth, shows the Yuchi concept
regarding the origin of their neighboi's: "Now the people had come upon the
earth. The Shawnee came from above. The Creeks came from the ground.
The Choctaw came from the water. The Yuchi came from the sun."

' Cf. Linguistic map of North American Indians, Algonkian area near Uchean
(Yuchi); Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee, 19th Report, Bureau American Ethnology, p.
494; Siouan Tribes of the East, p. 83; Schoolcraft, North American Indians, Vol. V, p.
262 et seq. (1791); Benj. Hawkins, sketch of Creek Country (1798-99), pp. 34, 63.

12 ANTIIROI'OLOUICAI. ITU. INIV. (IK I'A. MlSEl.M, \OL. I.

Like many Indians the Yuchi show in their manner and speech not a little
suspicion and some contempt for the whites, whom they believe to be fickle
and weak. These qualities are ascribed by the Yuchi to the manner of their
origin, for it is explained in a myth that the white men originated from the
unstable foam of the sea which is ever blown hither and thither by the chang-
ing winds. \Vlien first seen they were thought to be sea gulls, but they
appeared to the Yuchi again and tried to converse with them. Once more,
when a j'ear had passed they appeared again in numerous ships and this time
they landed, but left before long. Another time they appeared, bringing
boxes which they filled with earth in which they planted some seeds. They
told the Indians that their land was fat, i. e. fertile, and asked for a portion of
it to live upon. With this request the Indians complied, and the white people
made a settlement and staj^ed. One cannot fail to suspect that this bare
tradition contains a memorj' of Ribault's expedition to Carolina and his settle-
ment at the mouth of the St. John's river.

Thaw'groes on their part do not challenge much attention from the Yuchi.
The Indians are perhaps more tolerant of what they regard as foolish behavior
and frivolity on the part of the black man than on the part of the white man.
At one time the Yuchi, like the other tribes of the Southeast, held slaves, but
it is said of them that they were easy masters, and when the time came to do
so, gave the negroes their freedom with little reluctance. It is true today
that many negroes, and some poor whites as well, are eager enough to work
for the Indians on their plantations.

It may be said in general that the Yuchi are regarded by their neiglibors
and compatriots the Creeks with some dislike, tinged, however, with jealousy
and a little personal fear. The Creeks are fond of riijjculing the conservatism
and peculiarities of the Yuchi, but they take care not \aA\o so openly or to
provoke personal disputes with them.' It is noticeable that there exists a
slight difference in physical appearance between the two peoples. The Yuchi
are a little more inclined to be tall and slender than the Creeks and their skin
is a trifle lighter in tone. These differences may be due to a mixture of negro
blood, for the percentage of persons of mixed blood among the Yuchi, who,
however, have received some admixture from both white and black, is smaller
apparently than that observed among the Creek, Seminole and Cherokee. So
far as the Yuchi arc concerned the process of cross-breeding must have begun
at an early date because many of those who show intermixture have no direct

' A Creek Indian of Kawita town, for instance, gave the following belief in regard to the
Yuchi and their language: "When the Creator made the ancestors of the Indians he gave
them different languages until he had none left. He found that there were still some
Indians whom he had not proAuded for. These were the Yuchi. Ha^^ng no language for
them, he kicked them in the buttocks saying 'Ba!' which explains why the Yuchi have
such an niiintelligiblc speech."

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 13

knowledge of any other than Indian ancestry. Their conservatism in this
respect is shown by the fact that notwithstanding the long period of time
during which the Yuchi have been in contact with other tribes and races
there are very many pure bloods among them at the present day.

Calling themselves "Sun Offspring," the Yuchi believe in reality that they
derive their origin from the Sun, who figures in their mythology as an import-
ant being of the supernatural world. He appears as their culture hero after
the creation of the tribal ancestor from a drop of menstrual blood. The name
Yuchi (Vtl'tcl), however, iscoimnonly known and used by themselves and the
whites and has spread among neighboring Indians as the designation of the
tribe. It is presumably a demonstrative signifying 'being far away' or 'at a
distance ' in reference to human beings in a state of settlement, {yu, ' at a dis-
tance,' tct, 'sitting down').

It is possible, in attempting an explanation of the origin of the name, that
the reply " Yu'tcl" was given by some Indian of the tribe in answer to a stranger's
inquiry, "Where do you come from?" which is a coimiion mode of salutation
in the Southeast. The reply may then have been mistaken for a tribal name
and retained as such. Similar instances of mistaken analogy have occurred
at various times in connection with the Indians of this continent, and as the
Yuchi interpretere themselves favor this explanation it has seemed advisable
at least to make note of it.

In the almost universal sign language of the Plains the sign for the Yuchi
is the right hand raised level with the head with the index finger pointing
upward; a demonstration indicating affiliation with the sun.

Natupal Environment.

The natural surroundings of the Yuchi have not been very different
in the various locations which they have occupied east of the Mississippi.
Even after the removal of these Indians to their present habitat west of that
river, the nature of their environment was not fomid to be so different as to
force them to make much change in their manner of life. That is to say, the
keynote of their activity was and still is agriculture supplemented by hunting
and fishing. The motives for the accompanying arts of basket making and
pottery, together with methods of warfare, hunting, fishing and religious
observances, have all likewise remained about the same since the removal.
Unlike the Siouan peoples who, when they migrated from the Mississippi basin
to the Plains, gave up their agricultural life entirely and became hunting
nomads, the Yuchi retained their early mode of life amid their new surround-
ings and transported, with little change, their old activities. In their new
home in Oklahoma they found arable soil, plenty of rivers containing edible
fish, and extensive forests and savannahs inhabited by birds and mammals like

14 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

those of Georgia and Alabama. Both regions are rather low and well watered
and are characterized by extensive grassy uplands and patches of forest,
differing to some extent in regard to flora but containing many species in
common. Chief among these are the pines, the oaks, the hickor}% and the bois
d'arc, as well as many wild plants and vegetables made use of for food or
medicines. The chief plants used in their religious rituals. Red root (Salix
tristis (?) and Button Snake root {Eryngiimi yuccaejolium) , are distributed
over both areas; consequently the Yuchi were not forced to substitute, in
the performance of religious ceremonies, other plants for those prescribed by
tradition. One vegetable product, however, the cane, is not as abundant in
Oklahoma as it is in the Southeast, and the lack of this plant has occasioned
the deterioration in the art of basket making and has even threatened it with
total extinction. Canes for basketry can be secured nowadays only by mak-
ing long journeys to distant swampy sections and consequently remarkably
few cane baskets are seen.

The fauna of the two regions is for the most part alike. The Indians knew
and utilized in both regions the bison, elk, Virginia deer, black bear, wolf,
fox, panther, wildcat, beaver, rabbit, squirrel, raccoon, possum, skimk,
weasel, and otter. Conmion to both regions too are the wild turkey, part-
ridge, quail, wild pigeon, mallard duck, teal and wild goose. Eagles and
herons furnished the feathers appropriate for ceremonial uses in the new home
as in the old. But in leaving the Southeast they left behind the alligator,
and encountered the prong-homed antelope and coyote, and they noticed
changes in the number and distribution of their fonuer animal acquaintances.
Lastly the streams and rivers of Oklahoma were found to contain the fish
which liad laeen familiar and useful in the Southeast, namely catfish, dogfish,
suckers, garfish, pickerel, mullets, and several kinds of bass.

The summers of Oklahoma, like those of Georgia and Alabama, are long
and hot, but the winters west of the Mississippi are somewhat colder and more
severe than in the Southeast. This change of climate has had its detrimental
effect upon the Yuchi, for it seems that their habits of life are not so well adapted
to the severer western winters, and most of their present sufferings are due to
exposure at this time of the year. On the whole, however, the Yuchi, men,
women and rliildren, are a remarkably strong and healthy set of people.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YDCHI INDIANS. 15

LANGUAGE.

My original purpose in visiting the Yuchi was to collect linguistic matter,
whicli is now being worked up for special purposes in the interest of the Bureau
of Ethnology. Although the detailed results of my linguistic studies are not
available for the present paper it will be of advantage to introduce here a
general statement regarding some characteristics of the language.

It is quite certain now that Yuchi is spoken in only one dialect, although
there is a current opinion that formerly the stock was more numerous than it
is at present and that the language was spoken in two dialects. These dialects
are stated according to tradition to have been mutually intelligible when
spoken slowly. The language is characterized as regards processes by the use
of postpositional and prepositional particles to show local modification of the
noun, and by the use of auxiliaries to show adverbial and modal qualification
of the verb. Position also plays some part in the expression of adverbial
modification, verbal subordination, and sentence syntax. Inflection is not a
characteristic of Yuchi, and reduplication is only used to denote the idea of
distribution in time and space. The parts of speech seem to be nouns, verbs,
adverbs, pronouns and particles. There are no syntactical cases, as in the
neighboring Muskogian. The position of words indicates their syntactical
relationship. Neither do there appear to be case affixes; the whole range of
such ideas, locatives, instrumental, simulative, ablative, demonstratives and
others being expressed by particles. In this class are also the temporal,
modal and other particles used with verbs. There are a number of mono-
syllabic local and adverbial particles which have very general meanings.
These syllables may enter into combination with each other and form thereby
new word complexes which may have arbitrary meanings not necessarily
derivable from the logical sum total of the thoughts expressed by them. Such
compounds may be used as new verbs, new noims, adverbs or auxiliaries.
This psychological trait of Yuchi is, however, not an uncommon one in other
American languages. There is apparently no true plural, either in nouns or
verbs. The place of the plural is taken by the distributive idea which is
expressed by reduplication. Verbs are mostly monosyllabic, but many have
developed by combination into polysyllabic fonns impossible to analyze.
Nouns are of the same sort. In the noun compound the possessive pronominal
elements are quite prominent, and their place is often taken bj' particles going
with the name of the object, and immediately before it, which denote
its possessor. These possessive particles, however, do not mark off any par-

IG ASTlllfOl'Ol.OClC Al. IMIi. rM\. Ill I'A. .MUSEUM, \ 01.. I.

ticular categories, .^s in other .Vnierican languages, many verb and noun
stems are difficult to distinguish apart. The difficult}' of distinguishing
between verbs and nouns is further increased by the homology between the
possessive pronominal and the active subject pronominal forms. As regards
personal pronouns, we find only two categories, both of which are closely
related. Whether active or neutral, transitive or intransitive, the subjective
pronominal forms are the same. In this paradigm are also included the
possessive pronominal fonns. The other category is the objective which in
all but the first and second persons is a development of the subjective or of the
absolute, independent forms. All of the pronominal fonns are independent
words capable of standing by themselves. In the pronominal persons we
have first, second, third masculine, third feminine (both of which refer more
particularly to Yuchi Indians), and a third indefinite form which includes
whites, negroes, other Indians, animals and indefinite objects in general.
Besides these forms, which are all singular, there is a first person plural and a
second person plural. No difference is recognized in the pronouns between
the third person singular and plural.

To conclude this brief sketch, it may be said that the whole sentence, hing-
ing upon the verb, which comes last in position, is built up with various loca-
tive, adverbial, and pronominal particles which have fairly definite places in
the sentence but which are not inseparably affixed to the words they refer to.
Thus the sentence may be built up more and more, expressing details by
simply stringing on particles or particle compounds with arbitrary meanings
before one another, the verb, immediately preceded by its pronouns and these
by its adverbs, coming last.

The subject of phonetics has bean left until the last in order to make a some-
what special mention of the sovmds and characters to be used in recording
tenns hereafter. The language, generally speaking, is acoustically soft and
flowing and abotmds in arrested sounds and nasalized vowels. The present-
day Yuchi assert that they speak more rapidly than the old-time people, and,
they add, the purer forms of the expressions are often mutilated in consequence.
.\nother notice in connection with phonetics should be made here in outline
at least. It is the constant tendency to combine phoneticallj' pronouns with
words, and words with other words, when certain vowels and seniivowels
come together at the beginning and end of words. This phonetic coalescence
has a tendency to obscure some particles and to knit parts of the sentence into
a closer unity, giving the whole something of the appearance of incorporation
where it really does not exist. The following is an explanation of some of
the sounds enctountered in the recording of tenns, and the characters which
represent them.

In the stops we have the glottal catch represented by ^. The palatal surd
k and sonant g are both similar to the English sounds. The alveolar dentals

F. G. SPECK — ETIINOLOLIY OF THE Yt'CHI IXDIANS. 17

t and d and the lahiali^ p and /) arc f(jund, both jjaire being rather difficult to
(k'tormine as to their surd and sonant quality. In the spirants we have the
])alatal c like English sh, and the surd tc, a single sountl, like ch as in English
church, with the corresponding sonant dj. The alveolars are s, ts, and dz,
similar to the English sounds. The labial dental surd / occurs, but there is no
corresponding sonant. All of the surds given so far occur also followed by a
catch and are represented in such cases as follows, fi, p^-, tc^, s^, P, etc. The
nasal n occurs, but independent m is wanting. The lateral spirant surd sound
made by pressing the tip of the tongue against the upper .alveolar ridge and
forcing the breath out over both sides of the tongue, is represented by {. A
common / like that in English is also found. The semivowels are h, y, w;
and the bilabial aspirate of the last hw, also occurs.

The vowels are a, e, i, o, u, with their continental values. They are short
when not marked ; long with the mark over them as a, S, t, 5, u. Other long
vowels are a like a in English fall, and d like a in English fan. Besides these
there is an obscure vowel represented here by a which is similar to u in English
but. Nasalized vowels, which arc very frequent, are written a", a", a", etc.
Breathed vowels are a' , a', etc. The diphthong oi occurs rarely. Stress and
iirolongation are indicated l)v !. Acc(Mit is marked l)v '.

18 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

MATERIAL CULTURE.

Agriculture.

Although the Yuchi of today are cultivators of the soil, as they were in
former times, the manner and method of agric-ulture has undergone many
radical changes since the first contact with Europeans. The modification of
this branch of their culture has been so thorough that we can only construct,
from survivals and tradition, an idea of its former state.

The villages were surrounded by fertile spaces, cleared of tunber and other
vegetation by burnmg in dry springtime. These spaces were converted
into garden patches where vegetables were sown and tended as they grew up,
by a daily but irregularly-timed cultivation.

It is not now remembered whether particular parts of the arable gromid
were the personal property of the individuals or clans. Hawkins states, however,
that both men and women labored together; the Yuchi differing in this respect
from the Creeks. The old people and children found daily employment in
acting as guardians over the growing crops, in driving away crows, blackbirds
and other troublesome creatures.

In general, the land of the tribe belonged to whosoever occupied or util-
ized it. The boundaries of fields, plantations and real estate holdings, where
encroachment was likely to occur, were marked by upright comer stones with
distinguishing signs on them to indicate the claim. A man would simply
adopt some optional design or figure as liis brand and make this his property
mark. Trees were also blazed to mark off property Imiits. In blazing, a piece of
bark about as large as the hand was sliced off about five feet from the ground,
leaving the white wood exposed. Sometmies the space was marked with
pigment. The above devices are still in common use througliout the Cr(>ok
Nation.

The most important native vegetables were flint corn, isofo', beans, isodi' ,
sweet potatoes, tosd"', melons, tca^, pumpkins and squashes. These are believed
to have been given the Yuchi by the supernatural being, Sun. Tobacco, Vtcl,
was grown by each family near the house. This was believed to have originated
from drops of semen. The plant was named by a boy, in mythical times, and
distributed among the people for their use. When tobacco was smoked sumach
leaves were added to it. Gourds were also raised, to be used as household
receptacles.

WTien the crops of corn and other vegetables were taken in they were stored
away in outhouses and cribs, dadd, raised on posts, to be used when wanted.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDL4NS. 19

Before the harvest could be devoted to general use, however, it was thought
necessary to perform certain ceremonies of personal purification and propi-
tiation in behalf of the supernatural beings who gave the crops and who
brought them to maturity. Taking into account the number and importance
of such rites together with the amount of daily time and labor that was
devoted to the cultivation of the crops, we are led into the general classifica-
tion of the Yuchi as an agricultural type of people.

Hunting.

Hunting was pursued by the men either singly or in bands. While the
attendance upon the crops kept them at home much of the time, there were
seasons of comparative idleness during which parties set off on the hunt.
The flesh of nearly all the mammals and birds of their habitat was eaten
by the Yuchi with the exception of such as were sacred for ceremonial pur-
poses or were protected by some taboo. The chief game animals hunted by
them for their flesh were the deer, ive^yAj", bison, wedlngd, bear, sag^e', raccoon,
djatyA"", opossimi, WAtsagowA"' , rabbit, cddjwane, squirrel, cayd; while those
whose skins were chiefly sought after were the panther, wetc^A^', wildcat, pocV,
fox, caxPane, wolf, dald, otter, ndane, beaver, cagd"', and skunk, yus^A"". The
flesh of these was also eaten at times. Wild turkeys, wctc^a', quail, spff'sV,
partridge, ducks, geese and other birds were continually hunted for food.

The game animals were believed to be very cunning and wise in knowing
how to avoid being captured. So in order to blind their senses, and to over-
come their guardian spirits, the magic power of certain song burdens was em-
ployed by hunters. Shamans held these formulas in their possession and
could be induced to accompany the hunting party to the field to aid in the
bewitching of the quarry. Shamans might also teach the formula to some
one for the same purpose, upon the payment of some price or upon being
promised a share in the spoils.

One of these songs used for charming the deer is.

ha si Jo si do da ni ho ya ha

hiii" ya.

( Spoken. )

♦The syllables gi do are sometimes given three times, sometimes four, with no seeming
regularity.

30

ANTIIKOPOLOUICAL I'l'B. UNIV. OF PA. MISKI.M, VOL.

Xot ouly had the hunter himself to be careful to keep the game annuals ami
suijernatural protectors well disposed toward him by observing all the taboos.
I)ut those connected with him in any way had to be careful too. This was
particularly true in regard to his wife. Her main care was to remain faithful in
her husband's absence, no matter how long he might be away. Any remiss-
ness on her part would cause his guiding spirit to leave him and then his
hunt would turn out unsuccessful.

Besides these magic aids the Yuchi made use of more material means U>
bring down game. The bow and arrow and blowgun were the chief hunting
implements, while a kind of deer call was carried on a string about the
neck to call the bucks during the rutting season and the iloes when they
were rearing their fawns.

The bow, cstade' (Fig. 1), is a single almost straiglit stave of bois d'arc

I3ow.

yToxylon pomijcriim) or Osage Orange, about five feet in length. Sassafras
and hickory bows were sometimes made. No backing of sinew is known t<>
have been used. The stave is broadest in the middle, where it is about
one and one-half inches in width, tapering to one inch at the ends. The thick-
ness of the stave is about three-quarters of an inch. The rich dark color of the
wood is brought out by greasing. In section the bow is almost rectangiilar.
The ends are cut out into little knobs of several shapes (Fig. 2) to jiold the

^ r^

V\ii.

How N'otchiii.s:.

.-string. The bow string is made of deer sinew, y.\"hi', or strips of rawhide
twisted tightly. Squirrel skins are much in use for bow strings. The skin is
cut around the edge spirally toward the center, thus giving a single long strip.
As extra strength is desired, four such strips are twisted together, forming quite
a thick cord. A guard, go'^sdjdnc, of leather is used by archers to protect the
WTist from the bow string when this is released. The guard is bound on by
two thongs attached to holes in the leather (Fig. 3).

F. a. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDLVNS.

21

Arrows, la cil', for hunting are made of the straight twigs of arrow-wood
or of cane stalks of the proper thickness (Fig. 4). In the fomier case it was
only necessary to scrape off the bark and season the twigs. The Yuchi do
not seem to have had the idea of the fore-shaft. The point, lacipd, which
was formerly of stone is nowadays made of iron and is bound by means of
sinew into a split in the shaft (Fig. 4). The arrows are feathered prefer-
ably with hawk feathers, as the Indians believe the hawk to be swift and sure in

Fig. 3. Wrist Guard.

its flight. Turkey tail feathers are much used also. The split plumes,
two in number, are bound to the shaft at both ends with sinew. One
side of the feather is shaved clean of ribs up to within an inch of • the
outer end. The lower or base end of the quill is then lashed on [flat.

The outer end is turned down and tlie turned down length is lashed on.
In this way an ingenious twist is given to the feather, which causes the arrow
to revolve in its flight, acting on the principle of the rifled bullet (Fig. 4, d).
There is some diversity in the length of the arrow shaft and in the size of
the arrow head. For killing large game and in warfare the shafts used are
almost three feet long with iron triangular arrow heads. But in hunting

22 ANTHUOPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

small game they have simple round sharpened shafts which are seasoned in
heat to make them stiff (Fig. 4, b). The arrows used for shooting fish are
somewhat different from the ones described above, as we shall see. Blunt
wooden-headed arrows, so common everj'where, were also used for stunning
small animals and birds (Fig. 4, c).

The arrow shaft in all cases is cylindrical, and of the same width through-
out. In some specimens, however, there is a slight widening at the notch to
give a better grip. Several instances were also noticed where there were tM^o
notches at right angles to each other. This feature, according to the native
idea, makes it possible for the shooter to send his arrow so that the iron
point is either vertical or horizontal. In the former case the point passes
more readily between the ribs of deer, bison and other animals, while in the
latter case it is designed to pass between the ribs of man. The double notch-
ing also facilitates adjustment in rapid shooting. An old arrow, one that
has seen use, is thought to shoot better and to be more effective in general
than a new one. In shooting with the bow it is held nearly vertically, the
release to the string being given by the index finger, between the third joint of
which and the thiunb the butt of arrow is grasped. The release, in general
tenns, comes nearest to that described by Mason as tlie tertiary release.'

One form of the blowgun, which is obsolete now, was, according to mem-
ory, made of a cane stalk ^\dth the pith removed. It was between five and
a half anc six feet long. The darts were made of hard wood, the points being
charred and sharpened. A tuft of cotton WTapped about the end of the dart
like a wad formed the piston. This was almost exclusively used for bringing
down small animals, squirrels and birds.

Another part of the former hunter's outfit was, frequently, a stuffed deer
head wliich he put over his shoulders or elevated on a stick in front of hun when
he was approaching the deer. Thus disguised he could be surer of getting a
favorable shot. The formula given above was sung at intervals during this
process of getting nearer.

Dogs, tsene, have always been the invariable companions of the hunters,
whether alone or in bands, their prmcipal office being to track game and hold
it at bay. The present Indian dogs are mongrels showing intennixture with
every imaginable strain, but the wolfish appearance and habits of many of
them would suggest that their semi-domestic ancestors were of the wolf breed.

Hunters are usually proficient in calling wild turkej's by several means.
One instrument made for this pui-pose is the hollow secondaiy wing bone of the
turkey, about five inches in length. The hunter draws in his breath through
this tube, making a noise which can best be described as a combination of

■■'North American Bows, Arrows and Quivers, O. T. Mason, Smithsonian Reports
(1893), p. 636.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YDCHI INDIANS. 33

smacking, squeaking and sucking. By skillfully operating the calls the birds
are lured within range. Sometimes the palm of the hand is employed in
making the noise. Another device is to grate a piece of stone on the top of a
nail driven fast into a piece of wood. The rasping sound produced in this
way will answer quite effectively as a turkey call if manipulated with skill.

The Yuchi do not seem to have used the deer fence so common in many parts
of Ainerica. They have been known, however, to employ a method of driving
game from its shelter to places where hunters were stationed, by means of fire.
Grassy prairies were ignited and when the frightened animals fled to water they
were secured by the band of hunters who were posted there.

The deer call, we^yA''kane, mentioned before, which is used in calling
deer within range, is a rather complex instrument
and probably a borrowed one, at least in its present
form (Fig. 5). A hollow horn is fitted with a wooden
mouthpiece which contains a small brass vibrating
tongue. When blown this gives a rather shrill
but weak sound which can be modified greatly pig 5

by blowing softly or violently. A tremulous tone

like the cry of a fawn is made by moving the palm of the hand over the open-
ing of the horn. Much individual skill is shown by the hunters in using this
instrmnent.

Fishing.

Quite naturally fishing plays an important part in the life of the Yuchi
who have almost always lived near streams furnishing fish in abundance.
Catfish, CM dfd, garfish, pike, cm cpd, bass, cm zvadd, and many other kinds are
eagerly sought for by families and sometimes by whole communities at a time,
to vary their diet. We find widely distributed among the people of the
Southeast a characteristic method of getting fish by utilizing certain vegetable
poisons which are thrown into the water. Among the Yuchi the practice is as
follows. During the months of July and August many families gather at the
banks of some convenient creek for the purpose of securing quantities of fish and,
to a certain extent, of intermingling socially for a short time. A large stock of
roots of devil's shoestring (Tephrosia virginiana) is laid up and tied in bundles
beforehand. The event usually occurs at a place where rifts cause shallow-
water below and above a well-stocked pool. Stakes are driven close together
at the rifts to act as barriers to the passage and escape of the fish. Then the
bundles of roots (Fig. 6) are thrown in and the people enter the water to stir it up.
This has the effect of causing the fish, when the poison has had time to act,
to rise to the surface, bellies up, seemingly dead. They are then gathered by
both men and women and carried away in baskets to be dried for future use, or
consumed in a feast which ends the event. The catch is equally divided among

24

ANTHKOl'OLOOICAL PUB. UXIV. OF lU. JHSKIM, \()1.. I.

those proscut. Upon ^vich au occasion, as soon as the iisli ajipcar ttoatinn rm
the surface of the water, the Indians leap, yell and set to daucinp; in exuber-
ance. If a stranger comes along at such a time he is taken hy the hand atul
presented with the choicest fish.

As the fish are taken out they may be cleaned and salted for preservation, or
roasted and eaten on the spot. A favorite method of cleaning fish the instant
they are caught, is to draw out the intestines with a hook through the anus,
without cutting the fish open. A cottonwood stick shaved of its outer bark is
then inserted in the fish from tail to head. The whole is thickly covered witli
mud and put in the embers of a fire. When the muil cracks off the roast is
done and ready to eat. The cottonwood stick gives a m\ich-lik(Hl flavor to tlie
flesh.

In the way of a comparison, we find that the Creeks use pounded buckcyt^
or horse chestnuts for the same purpose. Two men enter the water and strain
the buckeye juic(! through bags. The Creeks claim that the devil's shoestring
poison used by the Yuchi floats on the water, thus passing away down stream.

Bundle of Poisonous Roots

while the buckeye sinks and does better work. It is probable, however,
that neither method of poisoning the streams is used exclusively by these tribes,
but that the people of certain districts favor one or the other method, accord-
ing to the time of year and locality. The flesh of the fish killed in this way is
perfectly palatable.

It frequently happens that the poison is not strong enough to thorouglily
stupefy the fish. In such a case the men are at hand with bows and arrows,
to shoot them as they flounder about trying to escape or to keep near the
bottom of the pool. The arrows used for shooting fish are different from those
vised in hunting. They are generally unfeathered shafts with charred points,
but the better ones are provided with points like cones made by pounding a
piece of some flat metal over the end of the shaft (Fig. 4, a) . The men fre-
quently go to the larger streams where the poison method would not be as
effective, and shoot fish with these heavy tipped arrows eithei from the shores
or from canoes. Simple harpoons of cane whittled to a sharp point are used
in the killing of larger fish which swim near the surface, or wooden spears

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 25

with firc-liardeiiod points arc thrown at them when found hirking near the
banks.

Formerly the Yuehi made use also of basket fish traps. These were quite
large, being ordinarily about three feet or more in diameter and from six to
ten feet in length. They were cylindrical in shape, with one end open and an
indented funnel-shaped passageway leading to the interior. The warp splints
of this indenture ended in shaip points left free. As these pointed inward
they allowed the fish to pass readily in entering, but offered an obstruction to
their exit. The other end of the trap was closed up, but the covering could
be removed to remove the contents. Willow sticks composed the warp stand-
ards, while the wicker filling was of shaved hickory splints. The trap was
weighted down in the water and chunks of meat were put in it for bait.

Gaff-liooks for fishing do not seem to have been used, according to the older
men, until they obtained pins from the whites, when the Yuchi learned how to
make fish hooks of them. Prior to this, nevertheless, they had several gorge-
hook devices for baiting and snagging fish. A stick with pointed reverse barbs
whittled along it near the end was covered with some white meat and drawn,
or trolled, rapidly through the water on a line. When a fish swallowed the bait
the angler gave the line a tug and the barbs caught the fish in the stomacli.
Another method was to tie together the ends of a springy, sharp-pointed
splinter and cover the whole with meat for bait. When this gorge device
was swallowed the binding soon disintegrated, the sharp ends being released
killed the fish and held it fast. Lines thus baited were set in numbers along
the banks of streams and visited regularly by fishermen.

POTI'ERY AND WoRK IN ClaY.

The sedentary life of the Yuchi has given ample opportunity for the
development of the art of making pottery. The coiled process is in vogtie,
but it may be remarked that the modern pots of these Indians are of a
rather crude and unfinished form, which is probably traceable to deterioration
in later years.

The process of manufacture of ordinary pots for domestic use is as follow^.
A fine consistent clay is selected and washed in a flat vessel to separate all grit
and stones from it. Then lumps are rolled between the palms and elon-
gated in the form of sticks. A flat piece, the size of the bottom of the desired
pot, is made and the lengths or sticks of rolled clay are coiled around on this
base and so built up until the proper height and form is obtained. What-
ever decorations are to be added are now either produced by incision with
a sharp stick or by impression with a stick or shell. The whole surface is
afterwards scraped with a fresh-water nmssel shell, cta\aue (Fig. 7), until the
outside of the pot is smooth, and then, with the back of the shell, the scraped

26

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PDB. UNIV. OF PA. MDSEUM, VOL. I.

Mu 11 Stripei

surface is rulibed to varj'ing degrees of polish, or the hand may be used to give
a dull lustre to the surface. The surface is moistened after the clay is dry
and then rubbed until it assumes a fairly perma-
nent polish. The pot is next allowed to dry for a
few daj's out of the smishine. Then it is baked near
a fire. When several pots are being baked they are
arranged in rows at a little distance from the fire on
eacli side of it and turned at inten'als. These pots
become hard and brick-like and may be used directly
over flames. If they are not baked they arc used as
household receptacles or dishes and not put near fire. This industry is en-
tirely in the hands of women.

Pots, s^d'cudidane, 'earthen bowl,' or dida"' (PI. Ill), which are made in
general for ordinary' domestic use are of several different shapes. The outlines
showTi in Fig. 8, a, b, c, d, f are the commonest. The low fiat type, a, is
ordinarily used for food dishes or recep-
tacles for boiled beans and corn. They / —
are usually about eight inches in di- (^
ameter and three in height. A series of
conventional straight lines iTuming ob-
liquely is often incised upon these ves-
sels for the purpose of decoration, but
without any known interpretation.
Outline b shows the shape of a class
of pots used for boiling vegetables.
They are held upright by means of
stones placed around the base. Their
size is variable, ranging from those
having a capacity of about three quarts
to those holding five or six quarts. A
little decoration, in the way of shallow
impressions of semicircles, frequently
appears near the rim of these boiling
vessels to give, it is said, a decorative
effect. The tj^je represented by c is of
an unusually rough and unfinished ap-
pearance and is said to be used to mix

flour and dough in. The flat bottomed pot d, with a ^\ide opening and almost
straight sides, is the regular boiled com soup pot which is made in different
sizes according to the size of the family; they hold two quarts at least, and
stand about the house or camp wdth food in them ready to be eaten cold or
waiin at any time. The two latter types do not bear on them any attempt at

Fig. 8. Outlines of Pots.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDLVNS. 37

decoration whatever. Small cup-like vessels, /, not more than three or four
niches bioad, with roimded bottoms, are made for general utility in holding
seeds and other objects. This is said to be the kind of clay vessel put in the
grave with the body at burial.

One type of vessel, however, which is manufactured particularly for cere-
monial purposes is invariably ornamented on a specially made portion about the
rim. This type of pot (Fig. 8, e, Plate III, Fig. 9) is used as the receptacle
for the SHcred concoctions at the annual ceiemonies, the crescent-shaped im-
pressions on the lip being said to represent the sun and moon, the fomier of
which is the chief figure in mythology and the supernatural object of worship
in the tribal ceremonies. The height of these pots, two of which are used
during the ceremonial events, is never less than twelve inches. The crescent-
like impressions are made with a bent-up twig when the clay is soft before
being burnt.

The little platter ydda dane (Fig. 8, g, and PI. Ill, Fig. 1), which is about three
inches in diameter, is another form for a special purpose. It is made for the use

Fig. 9. Outlines of Gourds.

of women who are in seclusion away from the main dwelling during their men-
strual periods. As these little trays are only used to carry food in to such
women they are left unbaked. Wlien their function has been perfonned
they are destroyed with other objects which have come into contact with
women in this state.

It is noticeable in the above pottery forms, which arc designed solely for
domestic use, that no particular decoration is given them. But where this does
occur at all it is always on or near the rim and never on the body of the vessel.
Specimen 5, PI. Ill, and Fig. 8, b, have a cui-ved impression surrounding the rim
which is said to represent the moon. The series of oblique scratches on
specimen 8, PI. Ill, had no meaning or name given them.

A question of origin naturally arises here, in relation to the pottery industry
of this tribe, which seems to desei-ve mention at least. The prominence of the

2S a\tim;i)|'(ii.(I(;uai. ri h. rxiv. (if I'a. MisKrir, \'ol. i.

gourd riliapc, or that of the pumpkin or squash, may have had some influence
upon the development of forms in Yuchi pottery. The outhne figures and the
general appt^aranco of pots suggest this question. The Yuchi themselves
comment on the similarity between the shape of pots and pimipkins, and when
asked about the form of this or that pot, the answer frequently is "It is
like a pumpkin or gourd." The figures show how this similarity in form
appears (Fig. 9). The similarity is further carried out by the smoothness of
the body of the pots, and the diminishing diameter near the top. The
drinking gourds found in use today, and the gourd receptacles used about the
camps in the same way as pottery receptacles are similar to these in shape. The
suspicion of this relationship between pottery fonns and pmnpkins or gourds
was aroused by the replies given to questions which were asked in trying to find
out whether the pottery shapes sjnnbolized or represented anytliing else. For
instance the bowls of wooden spoons are supposed to represent wolf ears.

It may be said of the modern Yuchi pottery forms that, according to the
description given by Holmes^ they bear more resemblance to those of the
prehistoric Chesapeake-Potomac group in their ])revalent gourd-like outline and
lack of ornamentation on the body, than they do to the highly ornamented
and complex forms of the Southern Appalachian group.

Pipes. — A large number of tobacco pipes of clay,MCM' yiid^e' ,' enrth pipes'
(Fig. 11), were formerly made and used by the Yuchi. The variety in form
shown by these pipes indicates that at an earlier time work in clay must
have been a rather important activity with them. It seems that pipe making
was, and is yet to a limited extent, practiced by the men. Clay is prei)ared
in the maimer described before for pots, and made
into lengths about an inch in diameter. With a knife,
cylinders of various lengths are cut out which are to
be bent and hollowed into desired forms for the pipes.
This shaping is done with the knife, the sides being
shaved down round or square and the angles squared
to suit the artisan's taste. The narrower end is
twisted at right angles to the bowl to form the stem-
iiolder. The knife is then used to gouge out and
" " hollow the bowl. A small pointed stick (Fig. 10, o)

Fig. 10. Pipe Borer (a) jg twisted into the stem end to make a hole for the
mg > one ( ) g^gn,, and when it has nearly reached the bowl cavity
a small sharp twig is used to connect the two openings. After the exterior has
been finished off -with the knife the pipe is complete except for a cane or
hollow twdg stem. A piece of flint (Fig. 10, 5) is often used to rub the pipe with
and give it a polish, but generally none is thought necessary. The making

'Twentieth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology.

F. G. SPECK — liL'UX(JLO(.;Y OF THE YUCll] INDIANA

29

Fig. 11. Clay Pipes.

30 ANTIIUOPOLOOICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

of effigy forms in pipes is mostly done by pressing and shaping with the fingers.
The pipes are seldom baked, as this is gradually effected when they are lighted
and put into use.

There seems to be no limit to the forms which different individuals
give to the pipes they make. Personal taste appears to play an important part,
however, within certain broad but traditional limits. The pipe forms
observed seem to fall into a few different classes. It may be said that the com-
monest tyjje is that having a stem-base at right angles to the bowl as illustrated
in some of the examples shown in Fig. 11. These are rather small pipes, aver-
aging a little over an mch in height. The bowls are squared, rounded or formed
into hexagons. Another sort is barrel-shapetl, also with different sectional
forms and of the same small size as the first. These lack the stem-base, having
the reed or cane stem inserted directly into the bowl. A third general type
has a much larger and heavier form and suggests the catlinite calumet forms
met with among the Plains Indians. The red color and carefully given
polish of the specmiens under discussion increase the apparent similarity
between the two.

Effigy pipes (see Fig. 11) are favorites with the Yuchi and often show
considerable skill on the part of the maker in imitating living forms. It is
rather curious that those representing the human face never have eyes. The
rings sometimes seen about the rim represent the Sun, who is the tutelary
deity of the Yuchi. The frequent occurrence of the frog form in pipes is
explained by the desire on the part of the men to emulate the Wind, a super-
natural being who, according to the myth, used a frog for his pipe and a snake
for the pipe-stem during one of his journeys.

A noticeable sunilarity in fonii appears between the modern pipes of
the Yuchi and those found in the burial mounds of the Appalachian region,
described by Holmes.*

The collections of objects from the mounds of Alabama, Georgia and
Florida made by Mr. Clarence B. Moore^ also contain many pipes in stone
and earthenware which resemble the forms known to the modern Yuchi
and illustrated in Fig. 11.

Clay Figures. — ^The Yuchi men sometimes mould by hand pressure small
figures of animals or parts of animals in clay. Just what part these
clay figures play in their life it is hard to say. It would seem, however, that
they are merely the product of an idle hour or are based on some esthetic
motives. Wliere quite a little work is being done in clay by the women in
making pots and by men who are fashioning smoking pipes, it would seem
natural that some would idly try to shape, out of the imused material, figures

' Twentieth Report Bureau American Ethnology, Pis. cxxiv, cxxv, cxxvi.
' Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, X, XI, XII, etc.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YDCHI INDIANS. 31

of objects familiar to them in their daily environment. The figures of this sort
are rather clumsy and naturally fragile since they are not baked. The speci-
mens on which this description is based are a crudely made lizard about eight
inches long, several life-size frogs, and a cow's head several inches in height
(Fig. 12). Another correspondence between the modern Yuchi and the ancient
inhabitants of the Southeast is to be found in these clay figures. Mr. Moore in
his archaeological explorations of the mounds of Volusia Co., Florida,' found
numbers of rude clay figures among which some of the animal forms resemble
the ones given here and obtained from the modern Yuchi. The general tech-
nique in both modern and preliistoric specimens is similar.

12. Clay Figures.

Finally it must be noted, in regard to the subject of pottery and work in
clay, that this branch of native handicraft has undergone a great deterioration
since the beginning of contact between the Yuchi and Europeans, and that the
progress of decline in this, as in other arts, has been much more rapid in the last
twenty-five years. Most of the specimens described above were obtained by
request, whereupon some were brought from remote districts where they may
have been in actual use while others were fac-similes made for the occasion
by reliable persons.

Basket Making.

Another handicraft in the seemingly well-rounded industrial life of the
Yuchi is basket making. The women possess the knowledge of at least two
processes of basket weaving; the checker work and the twilled. The baskets
in general are of two sorts. One is a large rough kind made of hickory or oak
splints not unlike the ordinary spHnt baskets made by the Algonkian tribes,
with handles for carrying. The other kind, in the manufacture of which
cane rinds are chiefly employed, is distinctly characteristic of the Southeastern
and Gulf area. A collection of Yuchi baskets resembles those of the Choctaw
or Chitimacha in general appearance and technique, although the Yuchi forms

• Collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia.

32 ANTIUtOPOLOtilCAL I'UJi. UMV. OF I'A. .MUSEUM, VOL. 1.

obtainable today do not sliow as much diversity as the others. In their present
location, unfortunately, the Yuehi are handicapped by the lack of basket stuffs,
while the otlier tribes still occupy territory where cane is abundant. This may
piM-haps be the reason why we find the Yuchi comparatively deficient in variety
of basket forms and weaves, when other tribes of the southern or Gulf area, as
the Chitimacha, Attakapa and Choctaw, are considered. The regular basket
material is cane {Arundinaria). For baskets of the common houseliold stor-
age type, intended as well for general domestic utility, the cane rind is the
l)art used, as the outside is fine and smooth. Splints from the inner portion
of the cane stalk are employed in the construction of basket sieves and other
coarser types. The fonns and outlines of common utility baskets, ddstl',
shtnvn in PI. IV, Figs. 1, 2, seem to resemble the common potterj- forms in
having the opening somewhat narrower than the bottom. Another type of
basket (PI. IV, 5, 7) is the flat one used in the preparation of corn meal. The
largest of this class is two feet in breadth with walls not more than an inch
or so high. This tray basket is used with another, the sieve (PI. IV, 6), which
is also rather flat but not so much so as the former. The bottom of the sieve
basket is of ojien work. Corn meal is sifted through this into the broad tray.
Some idea of their respective proportions is given in PI. IV, Figs. 5, 6. The
plan of the bottom of all of the basket fonns described is rectangular in gen-
eral, while that of the top is nearly round; at any rate, without angles. The
sides of the typical basket invariably slope inward with a rounding outline.
This form, as can be readily seen, is largely determined by the nature of the
weave.

Nearly all baskets of this region, with little exception, are manufactured
by the twilled process of weaving. It is noticeable that the bottom is cus-
tomarily done in one pattern of twill and the sides in another variety of the
same. For example, we find one of the common fonns like a, Fig. 13, woven at
the bottom in the two over two under pattern, but when the turn for the sides
is reached the vertical strands' no longer run in twos but are separated,
each simply alternating in crossing over two weft strands; the weft in its
turn crossing four of the warp strands. This mixture of technique seems to
be a favorite thing with the Yuchi weavers. Such purposeless variations in
weave may be attributable to the rhythmic play motive which Dr. Boas has
recently shown* to be prominent in the technique of many primitive tribes.
An example is shown in PI. IV, 2, 3, where a matting bottom (Fig. 13, a) is
turned up into a woven side b with an over four mider four weft. The rela-
tionship between ordinary mats and baskets consequently appears to be a very
dose one. At almost any stage in the process of mat weaving it appears

' Decorative Designs of Alaskan Needlecases, Proceedings of United States National
Mu.souin, Vol. xxxiv, p. 339-40.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS.

33

that the operator can turn the strands up, fill in with a weft, and change
the product into a basket.

Some examples of the varieties of twill which enter into the construction of
mats and baskets are given in Fig. 13. The common diaper pattern may appear
woven with double strands producing the variety showTi in a. Baskets with

1 I

] 1

1 1

II 11

1 I

1 ■

±

T —

] 1

1 1

—LI

111 1

1 1

! -1 '

*

1 . - - -^ -•■

^^m

31

31

E^Si

IE

DE

IE

m

Esa

jHE

■">iiii '^

I ' I ' . F M r

" " ■ ■ I . " "^

HI

TTT

I I I T

Fig. 13. Basket Weaves.

this weave in the bottom and an over four under four on the sides are most
characteristic, as will be seen. The basket sieves outlined before are woven
in open mesh on the bottom, leaving open squares about one third of an inch
square, c. Here the twill is the same, over two and under two as in Fig. 13, a,

34 ANTHHOrohUtilLAL I'l li. UNIV. UF I'A. ilUSEUM, VOL. I.

but ilouc with narrower splints. The sides, however, of the basket sieve
are filled iu with weft strands going over two and under two, thus closing up
the open spaces, as shown in d. The other cuts show some different varieties
in which the number of warps crossed by the weft strands vary. Fig. 13, b is
from the side of the work baskets in which the bottom appears as shown in a.
The others, e and /, show the mat twill, the style that is oftenest found in the
basket trays. The sides of the tray are changed to an over four under four
twill as in b. The latter are held in the lap to catch the sifted corn meal that
is shaken through the sieve. The use of the basket sieve, however, and this
tray will be described in more detail later.

The basket border is commonly fonned of a few warp lengths bent down
and WTapped by a runner of cane. A row of twined weaving underneath this
holds in place the warp strands that have to be cut off. The figure' illustrates
this border finishing ver\- well (Fig. 14).

Fig. 14. Basket, Border Finishing.

lutentionul decorative designs seem tf) be almost entirely lacking in
the baskets of today, and it is impossible to say whether or not they ever
developed such designs. About the only decorative effect attempted seems
to be the employment of cane splints of different shades of red and yellow
in the weaving. Rather pretty diagonal patterns are in this way brought out,
but they seem to have no assigned meaning or names. These patterns are
quite evidently accidental in many instances, for the mere presence of one
or two different colored splints in the warp and woof would work out into
some geometrical pattern •^\-ithout any previous knowledge as to what this
would be.

Other Occupations.

Wood Working.— The Yuchi men spend part of their tmie, when not

engaged directly in procuring food, in manufacturing various useful articles

out of wood. One form of knife, yd'^llbo', 'knife bent,' used in whittling such

objects, consists of a piece of iron curved at one end and sharpened on the side

'Taken from Mason's .'\boriginal American Basketry in Report of U. S. National
Musetim, 1902.

i\ G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS.

35

after the fashion of a farrier's knife (Fig. 15). The handle part of the metal is
bound around with cloth or skin to soften it for the grasp. The wood worker
draws the knife towards himself in carving. Thus are made
ladles, spoons, and other objects that come in handy about the
house. Larger objects of wood are shaped not only by whit-
tling with knives, but by burning. For instance dug-out canoci^,
tcil si', were made of cypress tmnks hollowed out in the center
by means of fire. As the wood became charred it was scraped
away so that the fire could attack a fresh surface, and so on
until the necessary part was removed.

It sometimes falls to the lot of women to help in the manu-
facture of certain wooden objects. One such case is to be seen m
the hollowing out of the cavity of the corn mortar. After the
man has sectioned a hickory log of the proper length and dia-
meter, about 30 by 14 inches, he turns the matter over to several
women of his household. They start a fire on top of the log,
which is stood up on end. The fire is intended to burn away the
heart of the log, so, to control its advance and to keep it going,
two women blow upon it through hollow canes. By pouring
water on the edge the fire is kept within bounds and confined
to the center. As the wood becomes charred it is scraped away,
as usual, with the shells of fresh water mussels.

No decorative effects are produced in wood carving nor is it
likely that any particular development in technique was reached
by the cai"vers in fonner times.

Preparing Hides and Sewing. — In preparing hides and skins for use the
brains of animals are employed to soften and preserve them. Hides arc
placed over a log, one end of which is held between the knees while the other
rests on the ground, and are then scraped with a scraping implement to remove
the hair. The scraper, ts^ame'satdne, for this purpose is a round piece of wood
about twelve inches long with a piece of metal set in edgewise on one side, leaving
room for a hand grip on each end (Fig. 16). Tliis implement resembles the

ordinary spokeshave more than anything else. A sharp edged stone is said
to have taken the place of the iron blade in early times. Hides are finally
thoroughly smoked until they are brown, and kneaded to make them soft and
durable.

ANTHKOPOLOGICAL rrH. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

Sewing is done by piercing holes in the edges to be joined with an awl.
Two methods of stitching are known, the simple running stitch and the
overhand. The latter, on account of its strength, is, however, more com-
monly used. Sinew and deoi-skin thongs are employed for thread.

One specimen of awl, for sewing and basket making,
consists of a piece of deer antler about six inches long into
which a sharp pointed piece of metal is fimdy inserted (Fig.
17). Bone is supposed to have been used for the point part
before metal was obtainable. Several chevron-like scratches
on the handle of this specimen are property marks.

A few knots and tying devices observed in use and on
specimens, are given in Fig. 18. Softened deerskin thongs
were employed for tying and binding purposes.

Sheet Metal Work. — ^The manufacture of German silver
ornaments, such as finger rings, earrings, bracelets, ami bands,
breast pendants, head bands and brooches, seems to have
been, for a long time, one of the handicrafts practiced by the
Yuchi men. This art has now almost passed away among
them and fallen into the hands of their Shawnee neighbors.
The objects mentioned in the list were made of what appears
to be copper, brass and zinc alloy. The metal was obtained
from the whites, and then fashioned into desired shapes by
cutting, beating, bending, and punching in the cold state.
The favorite method of ornamentation was to punch stars,
circles, ovals, curves, scalloped lines, and crescents in the outer surface of the
object. Sometimes the metal was punched completely through to produce

Fig. 17. Awl.

=3H&

Fig. 18. Tying Devices.

an open-work effect. Several pieces of metal were sometimes fastened together
by riveting. Ornamental effects were added to the edges of objects by trim-
ming and scalloping. It is also common to see fluting near the borders of brace-
lets and pendants. Judging from the technique in modern spechnens, metal

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 37

workers have shown considerable skill in working out their patterns. It is
possible, moreover, that this art was practiced in pre-historic times with sheet
copper for working material, in some cases possibly sheet gold, and that some
of the ornaments, such as head bands, bracelets, arm bands and breast orna-
ments, were of native origin. Some of the ornamental metal objects will
be described in connection with clothing.

BeadW'ORK. — Like many other Indian tribes the Yuchi adopted the practice
of decorating parts of their clothing with glass beads which they obtained from
the whites. Beadwork, however, never reached the development with them
that it did in other regions. What there was of this practice was entirely in
the hands of the women. There were two ways of using the beads for decora-
tion. One of these was to sew them onto strips of cloth or leather, making
embroidered designs in outline, or filling in the space enclosed by the outline
to make a soUdly covered surface. The other way was to string the beads on
the warp threads while weaving a fabric, so that the design produced
by arranging the colore would appear on both sides of the woven piece.
For the warp and woof horse hair came to be much in use. Objects decorated
in the first fashion were moccasins, legging flaps, breechcloth ends, garter
bands, belt sashes and girdles, tobacco pouches and shoulder straps. The
more complex woven beadwork was used chiefly for hair ornaments and neck-
bands.

The designs which appear in beadwork upon these articles of clothing are
mostly conventional and some are symbolical with various traditional interpre-
tations. They will be described later. It should be observed here, however,
that there is some reason to suspect that the beadwork of this tribe has been
influenced by that of neighboring groups where beadwork is a matter of more
prominence. The removal of the Yuchi and other southeastern tribes from
their old homes in Georgia and Alabama to the West threw them into the range
of foreign influence which must have modified some characteristics of their
culture.

Stone Work. — Lastly we know, from the evidences of archeology, that
at an early age the Yuchi, like the other Indians, were stone workers. All
vestiges of this age, however, have passed beyond the recollection of the
natives, so that nothing can be said first hand on the subject.

Houses.
As tUe native methods of house building have nearly all passed out of use
some time ago, we have to depend upon descriptions from memory supple-
mented by observations made in the ceremonial camp where temporary shelters
are made which preserve old methods of construction.

.'{8 ANTiiiioroLooK'Ar. Pin. rxiv. of r\. JirsEunr, vol. i.

The dwelling house of the present-day Yuchi is like that of the ordinary
white settler: a structure of squared or rountl notched logs, with a peak roof
of home-made shingles and a door on one side. Windows may be present or
not, according to the whim of the owner. The same is true of the fire-
place, which may be an inside open grate at one end of the building, or a hearth
in the mitldle of the room with smoke hole directly above. These houses show
all possible grades of comfort and elaboration in their construction. Directly
iu front of the door it is customary to have a shade arbor raised where cooking
is done. Here spare time is spent in comfortably lounging about while light
occupations are carried on by various members of the family. Such a house is
called isdle', and may be, in its main idea, a survival of one form of original
house. Bartram and other travelers who saw the southeastern Indians at
an early date describe notched log houses among the Cherokee, so there is
some possibility of the native origin of the simple square log house of the
modern Yuchi and their neighbors the Creeks. Fortunately, however, we
find in the work of Bartram' a fairly good, though short, description of the
houses of the Yuchi as he saw them in the village on Chattahoochee river,
Georgia, in 1791.

"The Uche towm is situated on a vast plain, on the gradual ascent as we
rise from a narrow strip of low ground inunediately bordering on the river:
it is the largest, most compact and best situated Indian to-wn I ever saw; the
habitations are large and neatly built; the walls of the houses are constructed
of a wooden frame, then lathed and plastered inside and out with a reddish
well tempered clay or mortar, which gives them the appearance of red brick
walls, and these houses are neatly covered or roofed with cypress bark or
shingles of that tree. The town appeared to be populous and thriving, fvdl
of youth and young children. . . ."

At certain times of the year when the people remove from these perma-
nent houses and assemble at some convenient place for hunting, fishing or
social intercourse they commonly make use of tents with an open struc-
ture nearby in which much unoccupied time is spent during both night and
day. With some families this open-sided structure is merely a shade arbor,
and no care seems to be given to its appearance. But with others it ser\'es as
the dwelling upon occasions and is fitted out and furnished with some
semblance of permanent occupancy. During the annual tribal ceremony of
the corn harvest, when the assemblage of families is largest, these structures
may be best seen. The following descriptions of these temporary dwellings,
in which are preserved earlier fonns of architecture, are based upon observa-
tions made at such times.

Wp. cit., p. 38&

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS.

39

To begin with, the camp shelters, as they are commonly called, are
scattered irregularly about, in no wise forming a camp circle such as is found
on the Plains or a camp square like that of the Chickasaw.' They are left
standing after they have served once and are reoccupied by the owners when
they return to the place where the ceremonial gatherings are held.

Fig. 19. Hoof Support .

The ground space covered by a lodge of this sort varies somewhat, but may
be said to be in general about sixteen feet by eighteen. The floor is sunply the
earth. Branches of oak with the leaves compose the roof (Figs. 19, 20, C).
Eight feet above the ground is a common height for this dense screen of leaves.
The branches themselves are supported by cross poles (B) resting on stout

Fig. 20. Koof Support.

horizontal end pieces or beams. In the support of these beams, lodge builders
employ different devices. One of these, and perhaps the commonest, is the
simple forked or crotched post (Fig. 19, A). When trees happen to be handy,
however, a modification has been obsei-ved in the roof support which shows a

' Cf. Journal of American Folk-Lore (1907), p. 50-58.

40

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

rather clever adaptation of the material at hand to suit the occasion. In such
a case standing trees take the place of sunken posts, and forked posts with the
beams resting in the crotch are loaned against them, as in Fig. 20, A.

The general ground plan of these camp shelters is square (Fig. 21). They
usually stand east of the entrance to the tent (D). In the center of the ground
space (A) l^lankets, skins and other materials to make comfort are strewn, and
here the people eat, lounge and sleep. In one corner is a square storage scaf-
fold or shelf (B) elevated about five feet above the ground. This is floored
with straight sticks resting upon cross pieces which in turn are supported by
uprights in the floor. On this scaffold is a heterogeneous pile of household
untensils and property. Ball sticks, weapons, baskets, clothing, harness,
blankets and in fact nearly everything not in immediate use is all packed away
here out of reach of dogs ami children. Out from under the roof to one side
is the fireplace (C). The diagram (Fig. 21) gives the ground plan of one of
these lodges.

De

B

cO

('

A

P^

EQ

Fig. 21. Plan of Yiichi Dwelling.

The Yuchi remember still another type of family dwelling house which
seems to show that the common house type of the Algonkian tribes bor-
dering the Atlantic coast farther north was kno^\'n to the Yuchi as well.
We are informed by the Yuchi that the framework of this type of house,
yu, consisted of poles stuck in the ground in parallel rows at certain distances
apart. These were bent over and lashed together at the top, forming an
arched passage underneath. The whole top and the sides were then covered
with strips of bark cut entire from cypress trees and attached in overlapping
layers to the cross pieces connecting the upright poles. Matting is also said
to have been used as house covering material. Such structures are commonly
remembered to have been about ten feet high and about sixteen feet square on
the ground. The roof slabs were weighted down with halved logs secured at
the ends to the framework. The fireplace was in the center of the floor
space. It was excavated about six inches below the surface of the ground.
A hole was left in the roof directly above the fireplace for the smoke to escape.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS.

41

In the way of household furniture the Yuchi remember that beds, tcu'fa,
used to consist of a framework of parallel sticks, supported by forked uprights,
upon which skins were piled. These bench-like beds were ranged about the
walls. Mats were suspended to form screens when desired.

Children were stowed away in hammock cradles when they were too
young to walk. The hammock cradle is used very generally nowadays. It
consists of a blanket stretched between two ropes. To keep the sides apart
thwarts with notched ends are at the foot and head. The hammock is
hung up out of doors from convenient trees, while in bad weather it is swung
indoors from house posts or beams.

Domestic Utensils.

In the preparation of food several kinds of wooden utensils are employed.
The largest and perhaps the most important piece of household furniture of
this sort was the mortar, d'lld, and pestle, died Id. The mortar (PI. Ill, Fig.
10, a) which is simply a log several feet high with the bark removed having a
cavity about eight inches deep, seems, moreover, to be an important domes-
tic fetish. We find that it is connected in some way with the growing up
and the future prospects of the children of the family. It occupies a
permanent position in the door yard, or the space in front of the house.
Only one mortar is owned by the family and there is a strong feeling, even
today, against moving it about and particularly against seUing it. We
shall see later that the navel string of a female child is laid away under-
neath the mortar in the belief that the presiding spirit will guide the
growing girl in the path of domestic efficiency.

The pestle that goes with this utensil is also of wood (PI. Ill, Fig. 10, b).
Its length is usually about six feet. The lower end that goes into the cavity

Pestle Tops.

of the mortar and does the crushing is rounded off. The top of the pestle is
left broad, to act as a weight and give force to its descent. Several forms
of carving are to be observed in these clubbed pestle tops which are pre-
sumably ornamental, as shown in the cuts (Fig. 22).

42

ANTIlKDrOT.OOICAL I'lIB. ITNIV. OK PA. lIUSErM, VOL. I.

Spoons, ydda ctiue, showing some variation in size and relative proportions,
are found conimoidy in domestic sen'ice. They are all made of wood, said to
be maple. The size of these varies from six or seven to fourteen inches. The
bowl is usually rather deep and is widest and deepest near the handle. The
latter is squared and straight with a crook near the end upon which an owner-
ship mark consisting of a few scratches or incisions is frequently seen. PI. \T,
3 shows common spoons used in eating soup or boiled vegetables. This type is
said to represent, in the shape of the bowl, a w-olf's ear and to be patterned
after it.

Wooden paddle-shaped pot stirrers, cadV , are nearly always to be seen
where cooking is going on. They varj' greatly in size and pattern. Ordinarily
the top is simply disk-shaped. The use of the stirrer comes in when soup and
vegetables are being boiled, to keep the mess from sticking to the pot. (See
models in Fig. 36, b.)

Gourds, ta'mbactu' , of various shapes are made use of about the house
in many different ways. They are easily obtained and require little or no
labor to fit them for use. As drinking cups, general recep-
tacles and dippers they come in ver}^ handy. A common
drinking ladle is showai in Figure 23. Besides these utensils,
of course, baskets, mats, and pots, which have been dealt with
already, figure prominently in the household economy. Pots
are used cliiefly as cooking vessels and receptacles from which
prepared food is eaten. Baskets are commonly used for stor-
ing things away, for carrying purposes and for the keeping of
ornaments, trinkets, small utensils and other personal effects.
The several specialized fonns, the riddle, or basket sieve, and
the fan, or fiat basket tray, are, as has been mentioned, used
1 1" J3 directly in the preparation of corn for food. The part they

Dnnking Gourd- play will be described in more detail in aiKither i^Iace.

Food and its Prep.\ratiox.

Fire Making. — In the preparation of most vegetable and animal products
for consumption fire is an indispensable agent. It is also procured for ceremo-
nial purposes. To obtain it the Yuchi claim that originallj' two pieces of
stone were struck together, either two pieces of flint or a piece of flint and a
piece of quartz or pyrites. In the annual tribal ceremony this method is
presented yet; Two persons are ordinarily recjuired in producing fire, one
to do the striking, the other to hold the bed of fire material into which the
spark is projected when obtained. A single individual might succeed very
well, but two together obtain fire much more quickly. Even then the
operation often takes fifteen minutes or more. It is likely, however, that

F. G. SPECK — ETTIVOLOOY OF THE YUC'IIT I\ni\NS. 43

the iiiaiiipulators were already out of practice when the method passed out of
common use. It is nowadays admitted that the town chief who strikes the
spark at the annual ceremony is greatly worried at this time over the ultimate
result of his efforts. It takes him about twenty minutes to secure a flame.
The method, as observed on several ceremonial occasions, is as follows:
the flint, ydt^d dauvue, is held between the thmnb and forefinger of the right
hand with a small piece of punk material, icing^o', alongside of it. This punk
appears to be a very close-pored fungus. In his left hand he holds the
striker. The helper stands by, holding a curved tray of hickory bark
heaped up with decayed wood, sanibV, which has been dried and reduced
to powder (Fig. 24). The chief operator then strikes the two stones together,

Fig. 24. Tinder Tray.

and when several good sparks have been seen to fly, a moment is given to
watching for evidence that one has been kept alive in the punk. If the
spark smoulders in this it is gently transferred to the tinder in the bark
tray. From this moment the responsibility rests with the helper. He begins
to sway the tinder veiy gradually from side to side and gauges his movements
by the thin wisp of smoke that arises from the smouldering bed. After a few
minutes, if things go well, the smoke increases and the helper becomes more
energetic. The climax is reached when from the dried wood tinder-bed a little
flame springs up. Small twigs are piled on and then larger ones until the
blazing mass can be safely deposited beneath a pile of firewood. Nowadays
at any rate, the fire-producing materials, flint and punk, are a part of the
town chief's sacred paraphernalia and he has the prerogative of manipulating
them. A piece of steel is more often used as a sparker in the modem
operation, as it is more effective.

The most convenient fireplace arrangement is to have a large, not too
dry backlog with the fire maintained along one side according to the number
of pots to be heated. When the backlog bums away in one place tlie fire
is moved to another, or the log itself is pushed along.

As to the origin of fire we find here the coimnon American explanation.
It is believed to have been stolen, by the mythical trickster Rabbit, from a
people across the waters and brought by him to the Yuchi.

44 ANTHKOPOLOGICAL PUB. DNIV. OF TA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

I'OoDs. — Foodstuffs in which corn or maize is the principal ingredient
siiDuld he mentioned first in this connection. In its various forms com has
ahvaj'S been the staple article of diet in the region inhabited by these
Indians, while at certain times of the year game, fish and fruits have supple-
mented the daily menu. Pmnpkins, potatoes, beans, melons and squashes
rank next in the list of cultivated plant foods. The variety of corn best
known seems to have been what is commonly called flint corn

The shnplest way of preparing corn for use is to boil it or roast it in the
ear and eat it directly from the cob. There is, however, only a certain time
of the j'ear in which this can be done and that is when the crop has matured,
after the supernatural powers had been propitiated and the bodies of the
people purified by ceremonies to be treated later under the subject of religion.
One of the chief articles of diet is tso'ci, a kind of corn soup.' To make
this the grains of corn, when dry, are removed from the cob and pounded in
the mortar until they are broken up. These grits and the corn powder are
then scooped out of the mortar and boiled in a pot with water. Wood ashes
from the fire are usually added to it to give a peculiar flavor much to the
native taste. Even powdered hickory nuts, or marrow, or meat may be
boiled with the soup to vary its taste. It is conmionly believed, as regards
the origin of this favorite dish, that a woman in the mythical ages cut a
rent in the sky through which a peculiar liquid flowed which was found to
be good to eat. The Sun then explained its preparation and use, from which
fact it Was called tso'ci, inferably 'sun fluid.'

A kind of ('orn flour, tsiikhd, is made by pounding up dried corn in the
mortar. At inter\-als the contents of the mortar are scooped up and emptied
into the sieve basket. The operator holds a large basket tray in her lap and
over it shakes and sifts the pounded corn until all the grits and the finer
particles have fallen through. According to the desired fineness or coarse-
ness of the flour she then jounces this tray until she has the meal as she
wants it, all the chaff having blown away. The meal, being then ready to be
mixed into dough, is stirred up with water in one of the pottery vessels. In
the meantime a large clean flat stone has been tilted slantwise before the
embers of a fire. When the dough is right it is poured out onto this stone
and allowed to bake. These meal cakes constitute the native bread, kdnlo.
Berries are thought to improve the flavor and are often mixed in with the
dough. Besides com the Yuchi preserve the knowledge of a variety of foods
some of which are still commonly used. Hickory nuts, yx', were commonly
stored away for use in the following manner. They were pomided and then

'The common name for this corn soup is sofki, the Creek term, which has come now
to be w-idely used for the dish among both Indians and whites.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 45

boiled in water until a milk-like fluiil was obtained. This after being
strained was used as a beverage or as a cooking ingredient.

Almost any bird, animal or fish that was large enough to bother with was
used as food. The names and varieties of such have been already given. The
flesh of game manmials, birds, kandV , and fish, cu, was roasted or broiled
on a framework of green sticks resting on cross pieces which were supported
oil forked uprights over the fire. The device was simply a stationary broiling
frame. When large hauls of fish were made, by using vegetable poison in
streams in the manner described, or more game was taken than was needed
for immediate use, it is said that the surplus flesh was artificially dried over a
slow smoky fire or in the sun, so that it could be laid away against the future.
Crawfish, tcatsd, were very much liked and quantities of them were also
treated for preservation in the above manner.

Wild fruits and nuts in their proper seasons added variety to the compara-
tively well supplied larfler of the natives. Berries, yaba' , were gathered and
dried to be mixed with flour or eaten alone. Wild grapes, cd, were abundant.
The Indians are said to have preserved them for use out of season by drying
them on frames over a bed of embers until they were like raisins, in condition
to be stored away in baskets.

Salt, ddhl, was used with food except during the annual tribal ceremony
and for a short time before it, when it was tabooed in the same sense as corn or
intercourse with women. It was obtained from river banks in certain places,
but, on the whole, was rather a rare article with the Yuchi.

Meals were seldom eaten at regular times. Since food of some sort was
nearly always over the fire or ready to eat, the different members of the family,
or even outsiders, partook of what they wanted whenever they felt inclined.
At least once a day, however, one good meal would usually be prepared
for all.

The food supply of the Indians of the fertile Southeast, regulated by their
forethought in preserving grain and flesh, seems to have been on the whole,
fairly constant and abundant. Accordingly We do not expect to find them
making use of matter that is not acceptable to the average himian taste, such,
for instance, as insects, larvae, and small reptiles. They did, however, and do
today, find the raw entrails of the larger mammals and their contents to be
much to their liking, esteeming the substance a delicacy.

A more extensive list of special vegetable foods could hardly be gotten
from the Yuchi today as they are out of their original habitat, and have
discontinued the use of wild plants for some time.

In connection with animal foods it should be remembered that there were
numerous clans having particular animals for their totems, and that there
existed for each clan the taboo of killing or eating the particular animal
which bore the form of its totem.

46 AKTIIliOPOLOCilCAL TLB. LXIV. OF PA. MUSEUII, VOL. I.

Dress and Ornamext.

For a people living in quite a warm climate the Yuchi, as far back as they
have any definite knowledge, seem to have gone about rather profusely clothed,
but the descriptions obtained refer only to a time when the white traders'
materials had replaced almost entirely the native products.

A bright colored calico shirt was worn by the men next to the skin. Over
this was a sleeved jacket reaching, on young men, a little below the waist, on
old men and chiefs, below the knees. The shirt hung free before and behind,
but was bound around the waist by a belt or woolen sash. The older men who
wore the long coat-like garment had another sash with tassels dangling at the
sides outside of this. These two garments, it should be remembered, were
nearly always of calico or cotton goods, while it sometimes happened that the
long coat was of deerskin. Loin coverings were of two kinds; either a simple
apron was suspended from a girdle next the skin before and behind, or a long
narrow strip of stroud passed between the legs and was tucked underneath the
girdle in front and in back, where the ends were allowed to fall as fiaps. Leg-
gings of stroud or deerskin reaching from ankle to hip were supported by
thongs to the belt and bound to the leg by tasselled and beaded garter bands
below the knee. Deerskin moccasins covered the feet. Turbans of cloth,
often held in place by a metal head band in which feathers were set for orna-
ment, covered the head. The man's outfit was then complete when he had
donned his bead-decorated side pouch, in which he kept pipe, tobacco and
other personal necessities, with its broad highly embroidered bandolier. The
other ornaments were metal breast pendants, earrings, finger rings, bracelets
and armlets, beadwork neckbands and beadwork strips which were fastened
in the hair. The women wore calico dresses often ornamented on the breast,
shoulders, and about the lower part of the skirt with metal brooches. Neck-
laces of large round beads, metal earrings and bracelets were added for orna-
ment, and upon festive or ceremonial occasions a large, curved, highly ornate
metal comb surmounted the crown of the head. From this varicolored rib-
bons dangled to the ground, trailing out horizontally as the wearer moved
about. The woman's wardrobe also included an outside belt, tlecorated Mith
bead embroidery, short leggings, and moccasins at times.

The above articles of clothing, as can quite readily be seen, are largely of
modern form if not of comparatively modern origin. However, owing to the
fact that no period is remembered by the Yuchi going back of the time when
these things were in use, we are left to our owaa resources in trying to detennine
which of them were native and which of them were borrowed from outsiders.
If we are warranted in judging by the material used and by the fonn of
decoration which is given them, it would seem that among the garments de-
scribed, leggings, breechcloths, moccasins and perhaps shirts and turbans at

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 47

least were of native type. The same, furthermore, might be said of some
forms of the metal ornaments, ornamented necklaces, hair ornaments, sashes
and knee bands. So far as is now known, the decorative art of the Yuchi
is almost exclusively confined to the latter articles, and it may be that the
antiquity of the decorative designs is paralleled by that of the objects which
carry them. Reference is made in myths to the turban, woman's skirt, man's
sash and carrying pouch with its broad bandolier in connection with one of
the supernatural beings, Wind. The pecuUar form of these articles as worn
by him then gave the motive for the conventional decorations which are
still put on such articles by the Yuchi. This, however, is to be dealt with
more fully under the next heading.

The bright colored calico shirt worn next to the skm w as caWed goci bilane,
'what goes around the back ;' and was provided with buttons and often a frill
around the collar and at the wrists. The outer gannent, goci stalS, 'over the
back,' of calico also, was more characteristic. This had short sleeves with
frilled cuff bands which came just above the frills of the under shirt, thereby
adding to the frilled effect. A large turn-down collar bordered with a frill
which ran all around the lapels down the front and about the hem, added
further to this picturesque effect, and a great variety of coloring is exhibited
in the specimens which I have seen. The long skirted coat, god staked', worn
by the old men, chiefs and town officials, was usually white with, however, just
as many frills. An old specimen of Cherokee coat is shown in PI. V, 1, which
shows very well the sort of coat commonly worn by the men of other south-
eastern tribes as well as the Yuchi. The material used is tanned buckskin
with sewed-on fringe corresponding to the calico frills in more modern
specimens. It is said that as the men became older and more venerable,
they lengthened the skirts of their coats. A sash commonly held these coats
in at the waist.

The breechcloth, gontsone" (Pi. V, Fig. 2), was a piece of stroud with
decorated border, which was drawn between the legs and under the girdle
before and behind. The flaps, long or short as they might be, are said to
have been decorated with bead embroidery, but none of the specimetis
-preserved show it.

Leggings, to^o', were originally of deerskin with the seam down the outside
of the leg arranged so as to leave a flap three or four inches wide along the entire
length. The stuff was usually stained in some uniform color. In the latter
days, however, strouding, or some other heavy substance such as broadcloth,
took the place of deerskin, and the favorite colors for this were black, red and
blue. The outside edge of the broad flap invariably bore some decoration,
in following out which we find quite uniformly one main idea. By means of
ribbons of several colors sewed on the flap a series of long parallel lines in red,
yellow, blue and green are brought out. The theme is said to represent sun-

48

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. JICSEUM, VOL. I.

rise or sunset and is one of the traditional decorations for legging flaps. A
typical specimen is showii in Plate V, 3. The legging itself reaches from the
instep to the hip on the outer side where a string or thong is attached with
which to fasten it to the belt for support.

The moccasin, dethi', still in use (P1.V,4, and Fig. 25), is made of soft smoked
deerskin. It is constructed of one piece of skin. One seam nms straight up
the heel. The front seam begins where the toes touch the ground and runs
along the iiii^tep. At the ankle this seam ends, the uppers hanging loose.
The instep seam is sometimes covered with some fancy cloth. Deerskin thongs
are fastened at the instep near the bend of the ankle with which to bind the
moccasin fast. The thongs are wound just above the ankle and tied in front.
Sometimes a length of thong is passed
once around the middle of the foot,
crossing the sole underneath, then
wovmd once aroimd the ankle and
tied in front. This extra binding
going beneath the sole is employed
generally by those whose feet are
large, othennse the shoe hangs too
loose. The Osages, now just north
of the Yuchi, employ this method of
binding the moccasins quite gen-
erally, but the moccasin pattern is
quite different. The idea, however,
may be a borrowed one. Yuchi
moccasins have no trailers or instep

flaps or lapels, the whole article being extremel.v plain. It seems that decora-
tion other than the applications of red paint is quite generally lacking.

The turban, to cine, seems to have been a characteristic piece of head gear
in the Southeast. The historic turban of the Yuchi was a long strip of calico
or even heavier goods which was simplj' wound round and romid the head and
had the end tucked in under one of the folds to hold it. The turban cloth was
of one color, or it could have some pattern according to personal fancy. Plmnes
or feathers were in the same way stuck in its folds for the artistic effect. That
some head covering similar to the turban was known in Precolumbian times
seems probable inasmuch as a myth mentions that Rabbit, when he stole the
ember of fire from its keepers, hid it in the folds of his head dress.

The sashes, gdgddi kwcne, 'the two suspended from the both' (PI. V,
5, 6, PL VI, 7, 8), worn by men, are made of woolen yarn. The simplest of these
consists merely of a bunch of strands twisted together and wrapped at the
ends. A loose knot holds the sash about the waist. But the characteristic
sash of the southeastern tribes, and one much in favor with the Yuchi, is

Man's Moccasin

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 49

more complex in its makeup, and quite attractive in effect, the specimens
I have seen being for the most part knitted. The sashes of the Yuchi seem
to be uniformly woven with yarn of a dark red color. Some specimens,
howevei;> show an intennixture of blue or yellow, or both. The main feature
is a dark red ground for the white beads which are strung on the weft.
Figures of triangles and lozenges or zigzags are attractively produced
by the white beaded outlines and the conventional design produced is
called 'bull snake.' The sash is tied about the waist so that the fixed
tassels fall from one hip and the tassels at the knotted end depend from
the other. Customarily the tassels reach to the knee. The sash is a
mark of distinction, to a certain extent, as it was only worn in former times
by full-grouai men. Nowadays, however, it is worn in ball games and upon
ceremonial occasions by the participants in general, though only as regalia.

The woven garters, ise tSA"' (PI. VI, 3), or gode' kwcne, 'leg suspender,'
should be described with the sash, as their manner of construction and their
conventional decoration is the same. The garters or knee bands are several
inches in width. They are commonly knitted, while the tassels are of plaited
or corded lengths of yarn with tufts at the ends. Here the general form and
colors of the decorative scheme are the same as those of the sash. The func-
tion of the knee band seems to be, if anything, to gather up and hold the slack
of the legging so as to relieve some of the weight on the thong that fastens it
to the belt. The tasseled ends fall half way down the lower leg.

Rather large pouches, latV, two of which are ordinarily owned by each
man as side receptacles, are made of leather, or goods obtained from the whites,
and slung over the shoulder on a broad strap of the same material. It has
already been said that various articles were thus carried about on the person :
tobacco and pipe, tinder and flint, medicinal roots, fetishes and undoubtedly
a miscellaneous lot of other things. The shoulder strap is customarily
decorated with the bull snake design by attaching beads, or if the strap be
woven, by weaving them in. There seems to be a variety in the bead decora-
tions on the body of the pouch. Realistic portrayals of animals, stars,
crescents and other objects have been observed, but the realistic figure of
the turtle is nearly always present either alone or with the others. The
turtle here is used conventionally in the same way that the bulk snake is
used as the decorative theme on sashes and shoulder strap, that is, in
imitation of the mythical being Wind who went forth with a turtle for
his side pouch. In PI. IX. Fig. 5, one of the chief ornamental designs is
reproduced.

The next ornamental pieces to be described are the neckbands, isuiso" la',
'bead band' (PI. \T, 5, 6), worn by men. These are usually an inch in width
and consist of beads strung on woof of horse hair ; each bead being placed
between two of the warps. Beadwork of this sort is widely used by the

50 ANIUUUl'OI.UCIl'AL ITU. INU'. OF I'A. -ML'SICI .M , VOI>. I.

neighboring Sank and Fox and Osage and it may he that we are deaUng
here with a borrowed idea. Not only the idea of the neckband, but
also many of the decorative motives brought out on it, may possibly be
traceable to Sauk and Fox or other foreign sources. The religious interests
of the Yuchi are largely concerned with supernatural beings residing in the
sky and clouds, so we find many of the conventional designs on these neck-
bands interpreted as clouds, sun, sunrise and sunset effects, and so on. Anunal
representations, however, are sparingly found, while on the other hand
representations of rivers, mountains, land, and earth, are quite frequent. On
the whole it seems that most of the expression of the art of these Indians is
to be found on their neckbands and the hair ornaments. In thus bearing
the burden of conventional artistic expression in a tribe, the neckband
of the Yuchi is something like the moccasin of the Plains, the pottery of the
Southwest and the basketry of California.

Fastened in the hair near the crown and faUing toward tlie back, tlie men
used to wear small strips of beadwork, tsu'tsetsV, 'little bead' (PI. Yl, 4),
avowedly for ornament. They were woven like the neckband on horse hair
or sinew with different colored beads. One which I collected is about eight
inches long and one half an inch wide, having three-fold dangling ends orna-
mented with yarn. The designs on these ornaments are representative of
topographical and celestial features.

A woman's belt, wante gaho'nde kwene, 'goes around woman's waist', is
shown (PI. VI, 1). The belts were of leather or trade cloth and had bead
embroidery decorations representing in general the same range of objects as
the neckbands and hair ornaments. Such Ijclts were usually about two

Fig. 26. Women's Necklaces.

inches wide. Women's dresses, iw'^g^d', will not be described, as they
present nothing characteristic or original. Most women are founil with
strings of large round blue beads about their necks (Fig. 26). It is stated
that necklaces of this sort have something to do with the fertility of women.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YDCHI INDIANS.

51

The ornaments which were made of silver alloy beaten and punched in the
cold state are exceedingly numerous and varied. The use of such objects
has been very general among the Indians and a general borrowing and inter-
changing of pattern and shape seems to have gone on for some time during
the historic period. No particularly characteristic forms are found among the
Yuchi except perhaps in the breast pendants, which are generally crescent
shaped, and the men's head bands and the women's ornamental combs. Some
of these objects deserve description.

Fig. 27 shows one of the combs. The narrow band of metal is decorated
with punched-in circles, ovals and toothed curves. The teeth are cut out of
another strip of metal which is riveted on. The upper edge of the comb is
scalloped. Women's bracelets are shown in Fig. 28, with similar ornamentation

Fig. 28. Bracelets.

on the body, and grooves ne,"i' the edges to render its shape firm. The rings,
gompadl'ne, and earrings (Fig. 29) need no description. Hardly any two are
alike.

We have evidence in the myths that robes, Atitcud, or hides of animals,

Fig. 29. Fiiigfi- Uinj

as the name implies, were worn by the men over their shoulders. The case
referred to mentions bear and wildcat skins used in this manner and it is
also to be inferred that two different branches of the tribe were charac-
terized by the wearing of bear and wildcat skins robes.

53 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

The men furthermore affect the fan, ivctcd, 'turkey' (PI. VII, 9), of wild
turkey tail feathers. The proper possession of this, however, is with the older
men and chiefs who spend much of their time in leisure. They handle the
fan very gracefully in emphasizing their gestures and in keeping insects away.
During ceremonies to carry the fan is a sign of leadership. It is passed to a
dancer as an invitation to lead the next dance. He, when he has completed
his duty, returns it to the master of ceremonies who then bestows it upon
someone else. The construction of the fan is very simple, the quills being
merely strung together upon a string in several places near the base (Fig. 30).

The Yuchi men as a rule allow the hair to grow long all over the head
until it reaches the neck. It is then cropped off even all around and worn
parted in the middle. The portrait of the old man (PI. I) shows this fairly
well. Something is usually bound about the forehead to keep the hair back
from the face; either a turban, silver head band or strip of some kind. The
beadwork hair ornaments used to be tied to a few locks back of the crovm.
Some of the older men state that a long time ago the men wore scalp locks and

Feather .-Vtlachiiieut of Fau.

reached their hair, removing all but the comb of hair along the top of the
crown, in the manner still practiced by the Osage. Men of taste invariably
keep the mustache, beard and sometimes the eyebrows from growing by pulhng
them out with their finger nails. The hair was formerly trimmed by means
of two stones. The tresses to be cut were laid across a flat stone and
were then sawed off, by means of a sharp-edged stone, to the desired length.

The women smiply part their hair in the middle, gathering it back
tightly above the ears and twisting it into a knot or club at the back of
the neck. The silver combs, already described, are placed at the back near
the top of the head.

Face painting, as we shall see, is practiced by both men and women for
certain definite purposes. There are four or five patterns for men and they
indicate which of two societies, namely the Chief or the Warrior society, the
wearer belongs to. These patterns are sho\\Ti in PI. X, and will be described
in more detail later on. Although the privilege of wearing certain of these
patterns is inherited from the father, young men are not, as a rule, entitled
to use them until thev have licen initiated into the iovai and can take a wife.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 53

Face painting is an important ceremonial decoration and is scrupulously
worn at ceremonies, public occasions and ball games. A man is also
decorated with his society design for burial.

The only use ever made of paint in the case of women seems to have been
to advertise the fact that they were unmarried. Women of various ages are now.
however, observed with paint, and it is generally stated that no significance
is attached to it. One informant gave the above infomiation in regard to the
past use of paint among women and thought that to wear it was regarded
then as a sign of willingness to grant sexual privileges. The woman's pattern
consists simply of a circular spot in red, about one inch across, on each cheek
(PI. X, Fig. 4). A few other objects of personal ornament which are, however,
functionally more ceremonial will be described when dealing specifically with
the ceremonies. a

ANTHIiOPOLOCUCAI. ITli. IXIV. Ol- I'A. MFSECM, VOL. I.

DECORATIVE ART AND SYMBOLISM.
Something has already been said about decorative designs in the descrip-
tion of clothing, but the designs themselves and the general subject of art
deserve a little attention. As regards the artistic expression of this tribe
it seems that, in general, special conventional decorations symbohzing concrete
objects are confined to a few articles of clothing such as neckbands, sashes,
hair ornaments, leggings and carrying-pouches. The whole field is permeated
with a strong religious significance. Decorations of a like sort with a still
more emphatic religious meaning are found on pottery, though rarely, as well
as on other objects. Besides this we find occasional attempts, on the part
of the men, to make realistic pictures of familiar objects by means of pig-
ments on paper, bark or skin, not to mention the fashioning of a few crude
representations in plastic material. Considering, however, the part that con-
ventional decoration plays in the present case, it seems to outweigh the
importance of pictorial art. It must be admitted, though, that this sup-
position is founded entirely on the consideration of modern material, and, as
there appears to be no way of going back of this for an insight into earlier
stao-es the only course is to treat it as a native feature. A suspicion
reo-arding the foreign origin of Yuchi ornamentation has already been
mentioned. We must also reckon with considerable deterioration resulting
from contact with the whites-
Lacking, then, the ability to deal with Yuchi ai't in its definitely pure state
we shall undertake the consideration of some decorative designs on clothing
as representing the most specialized and characteristic surviving forms. Some
of these are simple conventional geometrical patterns which are used with
variation by different individuals and often regarded as religious symbols.
For instance, we find the conventional bull snake pattern on sashes,
garters, neckbands and shoulder straps, with a religious significance attacheil
to it. Ina.smuch as the Wind on one of his excursions made use of bull snakes
for his sash, gartere and shoulder strap and was highly successful in his under-
taking, the emulation of this great being is sought after by human beings
when they decorate their sashes, garters and shoulder straps with the symbolic
bull snake design.' The same emulative motives are to be found in the frog

'The likelihood that the snake design was predominant in the decoration of shoulder
straps and sashes of most of the southeastern tribes is to be inferred from the frequency
with which this design, to the exclusion of others, appears in the portraits of Creeks, Semi-
nole and Cherokee published by McKenney and Hall (History of the Indian Tribes of
North America, 3 vols., 1848-50).

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 55

effigy pipe's and in the turtle design whicli is common on tlie side pouches
(PI. IX. Fig. 5).

Other patterns laclv, so far as is known, any rehgious associations, being
merely conventional decorative representations of familiar natural objects.
In this category we find patterns of mountains, clouds, rivers, the moon, sun,
milky way, and rainbow, while representations of such living forms as
the centipede and the bull snake are also met with. The greatest variety of
patterns showing minor differences and bearing the same interpretation seem
to be those representing sky and cloud effects. The religious interest of the
Yuchi in the upper world of the sky may have influenced them in their taste
for celestial symbols. In this connection it should be remembered that they
regard themselves as the offspring of the sun and point to that orb as the tribal
sign in gesture talk. It was remarked by one of the men who supplied the
specimens illustrated here, that some years ago when the Yuchi were more '
given to roving about the plains for game they were distinguished among the
Osage, Sauk, Pawnee and other tribes encountered, by the predominance
of cloud, sky, sun and moon designs shown in their beadwork neckbands. In
fact, the decorative motives seem to be of a more or less fixed tribal nature.
No symbols for abstract ideas, as for example those of the Arapaho for thought
and good luck, have been found.

In depicting objects and in conventional patterns naturally the outlines
give the chief character to the figure, though colors have their conventional
uses. Blue represents sky or water, dark blue, the sky at night, and white or
yellow, light or illumination. Green represents vegetation. Brown, earth or
sand, and red, earth and fire. As among many tribes of North America, colors
are furthennore associated with the cardinal points by the Yuchi.

kdda"fd, north; hits a.'", green or blue.
faka"fd, east; yakd, white.
wd' fa, south ; tcald, red.
/a"/d, west; ispl', black.

Of these, two cany the S5rmbolism further. The east and its whiteness
signify the propitious, the west and black stand for the unpropitious, while
red is sjnnbolical of war and turbulence. These concepts, at least the black
west and the white east, are undoubtedly connected with day and night.

In different accounts the colors going with the cardinal points vary some-
what. It appears that no fixed symbolism is maintained but that the idea of
color in connection with the points is general but variable. The same tendency
seems to be found in other tribes, which would explain the conflicts which are
often recorded.

The illustrations given here were mostly made from specimens secured
from the Indians and the interpretations are those offered by their makers. In

56 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

some cases, however, patterns were reiueinbered by Indians but no actual
specimens showing them could be obtained. Pigment representations in color
were then made by the Indians of a few designs which were familiar to them
but out of use, and the interpretations were secured at the same time as the
sketches. Other designs were copied from specimens which could not be ob-
tained. Pi. VIII, Fig. S is a general pattern representing the bull snake,
cankd, on earth or sand. It was done in pigment and said to be intended
for use on shoulder straps of pouches, gartere or sashes. Fig. 7 also shows
a pattern of the bull snake design for similar use; the body material here is
supposed to be of some white cloth and the red, yellow and blue outlines are
to be produced by sewing the beads on or weaving them singly in the fabric.
Fig. 6 is an actual design taken from a pair of woven garters. The white
beads are woven in the fabric and the whole also sjaiibolizes the bull snake.
Fig. 2 is a pattern representing the centipede, totcc"gd)ie. It was done in
pigments and is intended for use on beadwork neckbands. Figs. 3 and 4
are both from specimens of beadwork neckbands and show three-color conven-
tionalizations of the centipede. Fig. 5 represents the same with the difference
that the legs are shown: in the outside marginal row. Fig. 1 and PI. IX Fig.
4, show mountain designs seen on breecholoth flaps, blankets, and belts, and
used also on neckbands. This is called s^d'yahoha pe'^e"; 'many crooked
mountains.' PI. VIII. Fig. 9, is a pattern, tse^d', river, taken from a neckband
representing a river, in blue, flowing through arid country, indicated by the
brown ground color. Fig. 15 is another neckband design showing the same
idea with a little variation in color. Fig. 14 is a hair ornament representing
likewise a river flowing through a fertile prairie land. In Fig. 13 is a pigment
pattern for belt, shoulder strap or neckband. It represents an otter,
according to its well-known habit, sliding dowii the bank of a stream into
the water which is represented by the blue area. The red portion shows the
muddy bank. Fig. 12 is taken from a beadwork neckband and shows the
milky way, tsene yilctd'^', 'dog's trail,' in white, as seen on a starlight night.
The dark blue represents the sky at night and the white beads in it are stars.
Fig. 11 shows the design on a woman's belt done in beads and cloth
appliquee. The whole represents the breaking up of storm clouds, showing
glimpses of the blue sky in between the cloud banks. Fig. 16 is from a
beadwork necklace and represents a bright sky with various kinds of cumu-
lus clouds which are sho^^ni in the different shaped rectangles. Fig. 10 is
another neckband design representing the rainbow, y0d' or wefd'. Fig. 17,
taken from a neckband, is similar in content to Fig. 16, showing cumulus clouds.'
The right angle L represents the moon. Figs. 18 and 19 are neckband and
hair ornament designs representing different sunrise or sunset effects, tsotiA."'.

One informant gave the additional name of "boxes" to the rectangles.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YCCHI INDIANS. 57

Fig. 20 is a variation of tlie idea represented in Fig. 17, showing also the moon
symbol. This was taken from a beadwork neckband. Fig. 21, also a neck-
band idea, is uniform red representing the glow of sunset in the sky, and is
called hopo^le tcaldla/ fiky red all over.' Figs. 22 and 23 are beadwork
tlesign elements also representing sunrise or sunset amid clouds.

The most characteristic and important example of religious symbolism is
to be found in the public area or town square of Yuchi town where the cere-
monies are performed and tribal gatherings take place. Although this will he
described and figured further on under another heading (sec PI. XI), it deserves
mention here. The town square itself, with its three lodges on the north, south
and west, symbolized the rainbow. The natural coloring of the brown earth
floor of the square, the green brush roofs of the lodges, the gray ashes of the fire
in the center and the red of the flames formed altogether an enormous ashes,
earth and vegetation painting, if sucli an expression might be used, which was
the tribal shrine. Tlie colors of this town square altar corresponded to those
of the rainbow. The ceremonial event which took place annually on this
shrine furthermore symbolized the various actions of the chief supernatural
being and culture hero Sun who taught the people the ceremony as it was per-
formed bj' the inhabitants of the sky in the rainbow during the mythical period.
Like the symbolism of many primitive peoples in America that of the Yuchi
was closely connectetl with religious life.

It is observable that most of the geometrical figiu-es used here as design
elements, such as rectangles, triangles and zigzag lines, are commonly found in a
similar capacity in other regions with, however, different and arbitrary sym-
l)olisms and interpretations in different localities. This seems to be in accord
with what Dr. Boas has showTi for parts of North America, that certain figures
have become disseminated through wide areas and have received secondary,
oftentimes symbolical, interpretations when adopted by different tribes accord-
ing to their particular interests. Below, in Fig. 31, is given a summary of
Yuchi conventional figures from the material at hand to facilitate the com-
parison of American motives and their interpretations. The significance
of the various colors has already been given. To conclude this very brief
account of art and symbolism a few examples of pictorial representations
are given. These drawings in color were brought in by Indians to further
explain various features of ethnology while investigation was being car-
ried on. No claim is made regarding their spontaneity or native orig-
inality. In Plate IX, Fig. 10 represents a buffalo fish which has been
shot with an arrow. Fig. 9 shows a cow's head with an arrow crosswise
in its mouth. The pictiu'e of a mortar, pestle and two pot stirrers (Fig. 11)
was drawn to show the miniature domestic utensils which are hidden away
with the navel cord of a female child to influence its future. Fig. 6 represents
a war club of an ancient type no longer seen, wath a String of feathers. Fig. 7

58 ANTiiuoroi.ofiic'Ai. rrii. r\]\-. (if i'a. MisEiAr. vol.. i.

i

I f^

13

1 m I

O^

l>

O

o

1 O ^ <&: O^O

23 24

"W

IS 19 20 21

1, 2 Snake.
3, 4 Centipede.
5, 6 River.
7 Rainbow.

Fig. 31.

8, 9 Mornins or Evening Sky. 17-19 Stars.

10 Milky Way. 20-22 Moon or Sun.

11-1.5 Clouds." 23-25 Sun.

16 Sunset or Sunrise. 26, 27 Mountains.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOOY OF THE YUCHI IXDTAXS. 59

is the sun and moon or moon and star s^anbol, wliich was placed over the
entrance of the Yuchi house as a tribal mark symbolizing the kinship of the
people to the sun. Fig. 8 is a design taken from a drum head. It represents
the color symbolism of the cardinal points, lacking, however, the black for
west. The Yuchi seem to perceive no intrinsic difference between approxi-
mate shades of green and blue. When these colors are placed side by side,
however, they note an existing difTerence when attention is called to it. The
language has one word for the two colors, liitsx"'. Shades and tones of other
colors are seldom distinguished. Even the extremes do not call forth
particular mention unless they border on each other. Thus indigo might
be called black. Yellow and green, however, are clearly distinguished apart
and are covered by particular words, dl yellow, hitsA"' green or blue. Aesthet-
ically green or blue and yellow were claimed as the favorite colors by the
majority of those who were questioned about the matter. It may also be noted
here that designs representing cloud effects and celestial phenomena are held
in the greatest fondness by the Yuchi, in which preference they may have
. been influenced by religious associations. The favorite patterns are commonly
called by such names as e^gedjine'^, 'dressed \ip,' and gatse'pongane, 'pretty.'
Several more complex pictures are reproduced on Plate IX, which may
be of native origin. They were made by a chief of his own accord on
paper to illustrate several things that were mentioned in the myths. They
are comparable to some of the pictures made by the plains tribes for similar
purposes. Fig. .3 depicts the milky way, tscne yiictcV" , 'dog's trail,' at night
and the clear sky studded with stars. This is to explain the belief that the
milky way is the trail of White Dog, a supernatural being, who travels over
it every night. The ramification to the right, which is rather difficult
to distinguish in the milky way, is supposed to he a blind trail leading
toward the earth. The White Dog frequently blunders and takes the blind
trail, getting quite near to the earth before he discovers his mistake. The
Indian dogs are quick to perceive this and thereupon set up a howl which
they keep up until White Dog has passed on. Thus the weird howling at
night of the Indian dogs is accounted for. Fig. 2 shows the rainbow, yii^a',
'big house (?),' the trail over which the soul travels toward the spirit land.
The brown area represents earth with a mountain in darker shade ; the blue
is water in the background, with sky in green above all. In Fig. 1 is a river,
land, a mountain range and sky in their respective conventional colors. In
the foreground are trees, and a raccoon which has been fishing and is now
bound for the tree on the left where he has his hole. Fig. 5 is given to
show a design used on the side pouches and shoulder straps which sup-
port them. The upper figure is a turtle, tab^a'. The turtle and snake de-
signs on these pouches have already been describ(-d so it is not necessary to
explain their significance again. The other figures on the lower part of the

CO ANTIIKOPOLOGICAL TUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

pouch are a hand and a tomahawk. I coukl not find out what idea they are
intended to convey, or what their reason was for being here. The aesthetic
and symboUc fonns exliibitod in pipes (Fig. 11) and clay figures (Fig.l2) have
been described before and hardly need to be more than mentioned.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCIII INDIANS.

61

MUSIC.

Singing at ceremonies and dances was accompanied by drums and
rattles of two kinds.

The large drum was made of hide stretched over a log sometimes three feet
high and was used to call the townspeople together, and to accompany dancing.
This in later times was replaced by a smaller type of drum, the pot-drum,
dtdane (Fig. 32) now used at ceremonies. It was made by stretching a piece
of hide over an earthen pot standing about 18 inches high, containing water.
An ordinary stick was used with it as a drum stick. The hide covering
was decorated usually with a painted wheel-like design, suggesting a correspond-
ence with the cardinal symbolism (See Fig. 8, Plate IX). The black for west
seems to be lacking and yellow is substituted for white in this spechnen. The
drum had its special resting place in front of the chief's lodge in the town square
and the privilege of beating it was vested in a certain individual.

0

Fig. 32. Pot Drum.

The hand rattle, ta%ane (PL VII, Figs. 3, 4), was formerly a gourd, but
nowadays is a cocoanut shell scraped thin and filled with small white pebbles
a stick being run through the nut to sei-ve as a handle. Small circular
orifices are made in the shell to let the somid out. The gourd rattle was held
at right angle to the forearm in the right hand. Sun sjTnbols (Figure 31, Nos.
23, 25), often are cai-ved or etched around the perforations on the shell.

A characteristic and peculiar instrument is the tsonta' (PI. VII, Figs.
10, 11) the rattles worn only by women in the dances. They are composed
of six to ten terrapin shells containing small white pebbles, attached to sheets
of hide. Each shell has a number of holes in it and is comparable in
function to the single hand rattle. One such bimch of rattles is bound to
each leg below the knee. A shuffling up and down step produces a very
resonant sound from this instrument. Two women usually carry them and

<>"^ AN ruifin'OLOtUCAL PUB. UNIV. OK I'A. MUSEUM, \0I.. I.

may cuter most of tlie daucps when they have ht-en well started. The
tsoiild' is said to he chiefly destined for the Turtle Dance, but was observed
in use in others.

All of the above instriunents were functiouall\' ceremonial. Then> is
another, however, which is strictly informal in its use. This is the
fiute or perhaps more properly the flageolet, Ma"', (PI. MI, Fig. 2). It is
made of cedar wood, being about two feet long and one inch in diameter.
A stick of the projier thickne-ss is split down the center and the
sections gouged out until about one-eighth of an inch thick. The
concave sections are then placed together in their original position and
bound in five or six places with buckskin or cord. The mouthpiece
is formed by simply tapering ofT the end abruptly. The red cedar wood
used is sacred. There are six hole stops on the upper side of the lower half
of the instrument. A flat piece of lead is bound with its edge at the air vent
which is about four inches from the mouthpiece. The air channel to the lead
is formed by the raised interior and is covered by a peculiar block of wood
which is gummed and bountl on. The following seven tones are produced.
The pitch is about one-half a tone higher than that of the medium absolute
scale.

^^i^mM

This type of flute is one that is found widely distributed over the continent.
Here as elsewhere it is employed by men as an important aid in influencing the
emotions of the opposite sex. Very plaintive and touching strains are pro-
duced on the flute. They seem to have a deep effect upon the Indians, often
moving the hearers to tears. Young men intentionally play these sad tunes to
arouse the emotions of young girls, and the players themselves appear to be
as much affected as anyone. The owner of a flute keeps his instrument WTapped
up in a package and treats it with extreme care. It Was formerly put to
another use sometimes. When the people were traveling from a distance
toward the to\\ii square to attend ceremonies there, the flute was oft«n made
to give forth a few measures of music as a sort of travelling song. When
passing isolated farms or settlements on the route the flute was also played
to signal the presence of the travellers and to call the hearers to join them
on their journey to the town square.

One of the tunes played on the flute as a love song was recorded on the
phonograph and a transcription of it is offered below. The man who gave this
tune exclaimed something like the following when he had finished: "Oh, if
some girls were only here! Wlien they hear that they cry and then you can
fondle them. It makes them feel lonesome. I wish some were here now. I
feel badly myself."

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OE THE YUCHI INDIANS.

03

The strain is as follows : — •

mm

li^^

i^=\-

'mm

>_t2 ^-

m

a.

m^^m^

^s^^^^^^^^^mmi

The above theme is repeated over and over again with all possible varia-
tions, as showai in the five typical staffs given.

The vocal ceremonial music of the Yuchi shows one feature at least \A-hich is
rather more complex than what is generally found among Indians. The char-
acter of the music of the other southeastern tribes also resembles theirs in this
respect. The characteristic trait is that, in many of the ceremonial dance songs,
the leader gives one measure and his followers respond in chorus in another
measure or in a variation of the leader's. It resembles what is commonly
known as "round" singing where there are two members. A concrete example
will, perhaps, better illustrate this point. In one of the favorite dances, the
leader steps out from the lodge on the town square where his rank entitles him
to sit, and walks over to the fire in the center of the square, passing around it
several turns from right to left. At about the second turn he assumes a
posture and rhythmic step, holds up his elbows and sings with a deep resonant
voice

ho ho -6

Before he has finished the final glide the other men, who have by this time filed
in behind him, repeat the syllables on a lower note somewhere near the end of the
glide, but with less of a musical tone

lio ho-6

G4

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. CXIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. 1.

Iniiiiciliatcly following this the loador repeats his first notes, changing the
syllables to hd lid — hd. The file responds in chorus as before, changing their
syllables to correspond with those of the leader. This may be repeated over
again, by the leader, three or four times, sometimes varied with the syllables
he he — e, then he introduces a change.
He sings

the dancers respond with

j|E^^

ah ! hi yo

and this is repeated four tunes. Then the leader changes again. With
increasing vehemence he sings

to which the dancers respond with

ah hi yai^ ii

and this is gone thniugh four times. The leader then gives a shorter
measure,

which the other dancers repeat, sounding their first note immediately after
his last. The leader now, on his part, follows without a pause with

ho ho

which the other dancers repeat after him. What has already been sung may
constitute, with of course many fourfold repetitions, the first song of the
dance and the leader closes it with a shrill yell which his followers echo.
This type of song is very characteristic and common. There are, however,
other ways of varying the "rounds," either by repeating the last two
syllables of the leader's part on the same notes that he uses, or on different

r. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. bO

notes ill liannony with them. Another variation has been noted in wliich the
syllables of the line dancers' responses are entirely different from the leader's.
We have, for instance, in another song

ah hi ya« a
sung by the leader, to -wliich the dancers respond with

yo ho

and the leader finishes the couplet with

r-fr-i £> — ^ —

^--=t

ah hi ya'- a

to which the dancers answer

yo ho

Other examples of the syllables which appear in the leader's strain and in
the dancers' responses can be seen in some of the dance songs which will be
given later on.

It is characteristic of the ceremonial dance songs that they consist al-
most entirely of meaningless syllables. Only in rare instances do words
appear for a few measures, to be lost again in the rhythmic jumble of mere
syllabic sounds.

The rhythm of the songs which coincitles in most dances with the beat of
the drum or the shake of the rattle is predominantly one-two. The shufHing
step of the dancers also accommodates itself to this time. The only other drum
rhythms heard were three-fourths, four-fourths and an attempted tremolo which
occurs oftentimes at the end of a song or where a break is made. Both of the
rattles, the hand rattle and the woman's terrapin shell leg rattles, are shaken
in accordance with two-fourths time, either slowly or rapidly according to the
circumstances. Vehemence or excitement naturally tends to increase the
speed of the rhythm.

As regards the intrinsic harmony of the dance songs it must be added that
to the ordmary European ear they are remarkably agreeable. The simple
rhythm accented by the drum or rattle, and visualized by the steps and
motions of the dancers has a noticeable canning force. To the natural
voices of the Indians the songs in both tone and syllable, are Well adapted.

66 ANTHHOPOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

Much practice in singing the dance songs from early youth makes the
unison and promptness of the responses ahnost mechanical.

There is another feature of tiie dance songs deserving of mention here. It
is a common thing for men who are clever in this hue to compose new songs,
and words to go with them. They usually choose some occasion when dancing
is going on to present their pieces. Naturally, of course, there is nothing
radically original in eitlier the wording or the music of the new dance songs.
They are, as far as obscrv^ation goes, largely plagiarized from more or less
stereotyped native soiu-ccs. In presenting a new piece the composer usuall}'
steps into the dancing spa(te between dances and leads off with some famil-
iar introduction until a few dancers have joined in behind him. Then when
all are well started he begins his composition, while those behind him simply
keep on with what they commenced. So the composer as dance leader
carries on his new song much to the enjoyment of his consorts and the
amusement of the spectators. No drmiiming accompanies these dances.
Unfortunately full examples of this kind of musical iimovation are not
available in Yuchi. Such songs do not seem to have any religious bearing
whatever. Their most prominent characteristics appear to be the humorous,
the obscene and, in some respects, the clownish. Part of one song composition,
which I remember, describes a man's attempt to plow with a castrated hog
and a bison bull harnessed together. Before the first furrow is finished, as the
song goes, the hog wants to wallow in the mud and the bison bull wants a drink.
Then they break out of bounds and run away, leaving the man dumbfounded.
An example of obscene composition is one which alternates stanzas of meaning-
less syllables, such as ya le ha', yo ha lie", with short phrases describing coha-
bitation or mentioning the private parts.'

The Indians regard a good singer and dancer as an accomplished man,
hence no little pride is manifested in the art. Love songs are also common
and are sung to give vent to related emotions, such as loneliness, sorrow, joy
and other passions. One of these songs, which are, for the most part, also
burdens without meaning, was given in a paper on the Creek Indians^, but this
might be taken for a Yuchi song as well, being apparently common to both
tribes.

' The words of another pantomimic song of the same sort in Creek have been given in
"The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town." Memoirs American Anthropological Asso-
ciation, Vol. II, part II, p. 138.

'Ibid., p. 120.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 67

DIVISION OF TIME.

The seasons art' four in number. Spring, csdled hltiA^wadele, 'when sum-
mer is near,' is the time when agricultural activities are resumed after the
comparative idleness of the winter. 'Summer,' wade', a tenn apparently
related to ivdfd, 'south,' is the long and active season. Autumn, yaca-
diU, 'when the tree leaves are yellow,' is a period of combined rest, hunting
and enjoyment. Winter was called wictd, 'snow comes (?).' This season the
people spent in idleness and recreation.

The year is further divided into moons or months, each of which has
its name. The names of eleven of these moons with translations and the
corresponding months in our calendar are as follows:

S^ a latcpt' Ground frozen month January.

Ho'da dzo Wind month February.

Wiid^d' slue" Little summer '. March.

Wdd^d^d' Big summer April

Dec^o' nendzd Mulberry ripening month May.

Cpdco nendzd Blackben-y ripening month June.

Wag^d' kyd Middle of summer July.

Tsenc agd Dog day August.

Tsogd ll'ne tse^e Hay cutting month September.

Tsofo' ho"stdn^ Com ripening month October.

Ho'ctA''d^d' kyd Middle of winter December.

The passage of time during the day tune is commonly obsei-vcd by glancing
at the sun. During the night tune the moon and stars, if the weather is clear,
serve the same purpose.

The day itself is divided into different periods equivalent, in our reckoning,
to morning, noon, afternoon and evening. The names for these are dgydl6,
'at dawn,' 'morning'; yubale", 'noon,' derivative from yil'ba 'high,' referring
to the sun; padonA^ogye, 'afternoon,' 'toward the night;' fa 'evening,' and
lastly, pado' 'night.'

G8 ' AXTiinopoi.o(;icAr. pur. tiniv. of pa. ittsEUir, vol. i.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION.

The social and political organization of the Yuchi is, for a primitive
people, rather complex. What is offered here upon this subject probably does
not represent all that could be said; neither is it to be supposetl that the In-
dians of today retain a complete knowledge of earlier social conditions.

The social groups outside of the ordinary family consisting of man,
wife or wives and offspring, are two, namely the clan, and another which
for want of better terms we may call the society or class. The whole tribal
community, inclusive of the various groups, forms another unit with special
institutions, called the towTi. At several periods in history the to^\■n has
been co-terminous with the tribe. At other tLtncs, when its settlements have
been scattered over wider areas, the tribe has divided itself into several towns,
some of these assuming independent names and the privileges of self control
in political and religious matters. Anticipating somewhat the discussion of
the clans we find these to be maternal totemic groups with the regulation of
exogamy. These clans nmnber about twenty. The society or class divisions,
on the other hand, show a grouping of the males of the tribe into a two-fold
division. This identity descends from father to son, certain public offices
connected with religious ceremonies and political matters going with it. The
societies, besides, are the only social divisions which have distinctive personal
insignia, in the form of designs in facial painting. Lastly the town, or
the tribe, we shall find to be the all-embracing institution with its elective
officials, its annual religious ceremonials antl its public square-ground where
councils and social gatherings are held, and which, once a year, becomes,
in the native mind, a religious shrine where the whole community is ex-
pected to assemble for the annual ceremonies.

After the Yuchi became a part of the confederacy instituted by the Creek
(Muskogi) tribes a slight development is to be noted. The tribe then became
politically a town of the confederacy and had to appoint a representative to the
confederacy council, without, however, suffering the loss of its independence
in most matters. The Yuchi tribe thereafter owed a certain amount of support
to the Creek confederacy and was to a slight extent subject to its military
decisions.

Kinship.

The family, in our sense of the word, as a group is of very little social or
political importance in the tribe. The father has a certain individual social

F. G. SPECK ETHXOLOGT OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 69

standing according to his clan and according to his society. The woman on
the other hand carries the identity of the children, who may be said to belong
to her. The bonds of closest kinship, however, being reckoned chiefly through
the mother, it would appear that the closest degrees of consanguinity are
counted in the clan. This matter of kinship is better illustrated by the list of
terms which I give below. The list does not claim to be exhaustive.

1. dltso fa"' , my isitheT.

2. ditso hd'^', my mother.

3. dis^dne, my son.

4. dfydne, my daughter.

5. (ft go^«^, my child (indefinite).

6. ditso daiie, my brother, my clan brother.

7. ditso wa^iie, my sister, my mother's sister's daughter.

8. ditso djine, my children (both sexes), great grandchildren, etc.

9. ditso hd^sV (literally "my little mother") my mother's sister.

10. ditso t^d"sV, (literally "my little father") my mother's brother, my

father's brother.

11. dfyx"', my mother's sister's son.

12. dllahd, my father's sister, my mother's mother, my mother's grand-

mother, great-grandmother, etc., my father's mother (and her
sisters and brothers).
1.3. ditso^o', my mother's father, my mother's grandfather, great-grandfather,
etc., my father's father (and his sisters and brothers).

14. dtga'tx'", my wife, (if there is more than one all are included under the

same term), my husband (woman speaking).

15. ditso g&wosahh.™ , my wife's father, my wife's mother.

16. dttso kydne, my wife's sister, my wife's father's sister, my wife's mother's

sister.

17. ditso djdne, my wife's brother, my wife's father's brother, my wife's

mother's l^rother.
IS. dX ga'tV , my ivKwA.

A few remarks on this list will perhaps make the reckoning some-
what clearer. The children of the father's sisters and the children of the
brother are not in the list, as they are expressed , not by any specific term of
relationship, but by a combination of the involved terms, i. e., dl lahd se
s^dne, 'my father's sister, her son', and ditso dan e ho''s^due, 'my brother, his
son. '

So also with the children of 'my wife's brothers and sisters,' and 'my wife's
father's sisters and brothers. ' In fact, by means of the first six terms (omitting

70 ANTHROPOr.OGICAL I'rB. UXIV. OK ]'A. lIlSEril, VOL. I.

5) almost any relationship can be expressed. It is, moreover, frequently done
in this way by those who arc not well informed on the terms.'

The terms of relationship from 14 onwards answer as well for a man
speaking as for a woman speaking.

It can readily be seen from this list that the lines of closest kinship are
within the clan. (See 6, 7, 9, IP, 11.)

Contrary to what might be expected in America, it appears that no dis-
tinction in terras is made between elder or j'oungcr brothers and sister' and
elder or younger sons and daughters.

Sex appears to be a distinctive characterizer as sho\\7i in most of the
equivalents for di lahd (12) and dits^o o' (13).

It is also rather peculiar that, after the first generation from the speaker,
posterity is not differentiated, but is grou])ed promiscuously under the one
term ditso djini (8).

The Clans.

One of the social imits of the Yuchi requiring to be taken up in detail i:^
the clan. This is a group in which membei-ship is reckoned through maternal
descent. The members of each clan believe that they are the relatives and, in
.some vague way, the descendants of certain pre-existing animals whose names
and identity' thej' now bear. The animal ancestors are accordingly totemic.
In regard to the living anhnals, the}-, too, are the earthly types and descendants
of the pre-existing ones, hence, since they trace their descent from the same
sources as the human clans, the two are consanguinely related.

This brings the various elan groups into close relationship with various
species of animals and we find accordingly that the members of each clan will
not do violence to wild animals having the form and name of their totem.
For instance, the Bear clan people never molest bears, but nevertheless they
use commodities made from parts of the bear. Such things, of course, as
bear hides, bear meat or whatever else may be useful, are obtained from
other clans who have no taboo against killing bears. In the same way
the Deer people use parts of the deer when they have occasion to, but do
not directly take part in killing deer.

In this way a sort of amnesty is maintained between the different clans
and different kinds of animals while the blame for the injur}' of animals is
shifted from one clan to the other. General use could consequently be made of
the animal kingdom without obliging members of any clan to lie th(^ direct
murderers of their animal relatives.

' To illustrate this I might add that several times young men who were asked for various
terms of relationship gave the indirect or combined expressions instead of the actual term.
For instance, I was given ditso hd'^' ho^gdwa^nf, 'my mother, her sister.' instead of
ditso ha"si', "my little mother,' 'niv mother's sister' (9).

r. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 71

111 eoinmon usage the clan is known collectively by its animal name .'the
men of the Panther clan calling themselves Panthers, those of the Fish clan,
Fish, and so on through the list. The totemic animals are held in reverence,
appealed to privately in various exigencies, and publicly worshipped in dances
during the annual ceremony so often referred to.

Tlie idea of the clan or totem is expressed by the word yil'ta, 'on the house.'
The Bear clan, for instance, is designated by the expression sagas' yilta, 'bear on
the house,' or, in a somewhat different manner, by the expression sag^e'taha,
• those who have the bear on them.' Bj' these etymologies, the inference is that
in former times, the members of one clan resided together in the same dwelling
under the same totem, and that some realistic or symbolic sign about the person
distinguished the different clansfolk from each other. It should be recalled
in this connection that the tribal totem, the sun, was painted over the
doorway of the Yuchi house and that the men wore decorative designs in
beadwork which indicated their affinity to the sun. Clan totemic designs
may have been displayed in a like manner.

It will be shown later on that the young man or bo>' in the course of his
adolescence reaches a period when he is initiated into the rank of manhood in
his town. This event is connected with totemism. For from the time of his
initiation he is believed to have acquired the protection of his clan totem.
Thenceforth he stands in a totemic relation similar to the young man of the
plains tribes who has obtained his "medicine. " Here in the Southeast, however,
the "medicine" is not represented by a concrete object, but is the guiding in-
fluence of a supernatural being. The earthly animals nevertheless are believed
in many cases to possess wisdom which may be useful to human beings, so the
different clans look to their animal relatives for aid in various directions.
Among the tribes of the plains, however, each man has an individual guardian
spirit, which is not necessarily the same as his gens totem.

From several informants the following list of clans has been collected, but
there seems to be some doubt about those which are marked * as they were not
generally agreed upon.

11 Otter, Cillane.

12 Raccoon, Djd'tle'^.

13 Skunk, Yusa"'.

14 Opossum, WeisagowA"'.

15 Rabbit, Cadjwan^.

16 Squirrel, Cdya.

17 Turkey, Wetc^d.

18 Eagle*, Cd'na.

19 Buzzard*, Ya^II'.

20 Snake*, Ca.

1

Bear, Sagas'.

2

Wolf, Dald.

3

Deer, We^yA"'.

4

Tortoise, Tab^d'.

5

Panther, Wetc^A"'.

6

Wildcat, Cad^ane.

7

Fox, Catiene.

8

Wind, Godd.

9

Fish, Cu.

10

Beaver, Cagd"'.

72 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. iirSKfir, VOL. I.

A mythical origin is ascribed to daiit;. Wlien tlie earth was completed,
the beings upon it were made to assemble and told to advance to a certain
distance. Upon their return, in full view of the assembly, some would ask,
"Wliat does he look like?" Then Gohd'ntone', a supernatural being, gave
them names according to tlie nature that they exhibited in their
movements. Those who jmnjied on trees became birds, and those showing
other physical peculiarities became various animals, thenceforth the ancestors
of clans. This account, taken from the Creek, is asserted by the Indians to
be identical with that of the Yuchi. Tribal myths relating to the various
exploits of animals that appear in the clan list are told for the purpose of
praising the totem and showing his superiority over the other totems. Into
this class some negro myth elements, and perhaps whole animal tales, may
have become incorporated, since each clan welcomes praiseworthy stories of
its totem's exploits and is ready to repeat such tales as though they were of
native origin. Most Indians, however, distinguish between what is original
and what is borrowed.

The social rank of these clans is not equal throughout. Four at least arc
classed above the others, and from one of them the town chief is chosen.
Others, given at the foot of the list are rather looked down upon and seldom
if ever represented in official positions.

The town chief of the Yuchi, the four head chiefs of the ceremonies, and the
medicine priest, must be chosen from either the Bear, Wolf, Tortoise or Deer
clans. There is some attempt made to have two of the four ceremonial chiefs
from two different clans. At the last celebration of the ceremonies two were
from the Bear clan and two from the Wolf, the town chief himself being a
Bear. The neighboring Creek toWTis are likewise headed by a member of the
leading clan in each lovax. The modem explanation given for this hegemony
is that the head clan is the most numerous and most powerful in the town,
but the real explanation, as in all such cases, is probably a very different one,
although we have no means of knowing what it is. The next to the highest
official at the ceremonies, the gocone, who represents the Warrior society, is
usually taken from the Panther clan.

No particular insignia is found to distinguish the different clans from one
another. There are, furthermore, no esoteric clan ceremonies among the Yuchi,
all clan religious worship being held in common by the town at the annual
festival. Dances are likewise perfonned by the townsmen irrespective of
their clan, the dances being for the honor and propitiation of the elan totem
for whom the dance is named. It would appear from this that the clan
organizations and clan religious rites have become subordinated to the town
organization in the course of time. Direct historical evidence for such
a supposition, however, is wanting, except for the fact that in their old
home the Yuchi are reported to have lived in clan communities more
centralized than we find them now.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 73

No clan groups or phratries are recognized at the present time, nor are clans
subdivided. There are, besides, no historical evidences of convergence. From
the beginning clans are believed to have remained separate and distinct and
must continue so. In regard to the anticiuity of the present clan system it
appears that no historical changes have taken place, except where occasional
extinction may have occurred.

One fact should, however, be mentioned, at least in coimection with a
possible clan grouping in some former period. Reference is made, in a myth
to a time when the tribe was holding a dance. The people Were divided
into two bands, those dancing with bear hides over the shoulders and
known as the Bear-hide people, sag^ e IiAntcwd, and those dancing with wildcat
skins, the Wildcat-hide people, cdticne' liMitcwd. A dispute arose amongst
them and the two groups separated. The Bear-hide people departed westward
and were never heard from again. Those that remain today are all Wildcat
people. Wliat the historical significance of this myth or tradition may be it
is unsafe to say. The important restriction of exogamy which holds for all
the clans equally, will be described under marriage.

Until recently the blood-feud prevailed, but reprieve was granted to an
offender who was able to get inside the public-square ground during the
annual ceremonies without being apprehended. Maintenance of clan honor
and reverence for their totem were exacted of all people, because the
displeasure of the totem was feared. As the taboo of taking the life or
eating the flesh of the totemic anhnal rested upon all, should the taboo be
broken, propitiation had to be made in the nature of a fine, which was paid
to the clan, either in live stock or property, else the offender was punished by
a whipping.

Upon the death of a man the ordinary property of the household whidi
properly belonged to him is divided among his own and his sister's children
who are naturally of his clan. All of the personal property of a woman
descends to her cMldrcn. If she has none, it goes to her nearest clan relatives.

CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS.

Before becoming subject to our laws the Yuchi had tlieir own
regulations in regard to crime. Punishments were not inflicted by any
organized body, but it was understood that whoever discovered the Wrong,
or whoever caught the wrongdoer, had the privilege of giving the punishment.
The clan as a body W'as often the agent.

Murder was considered the greatest wrong. The clan of the victim usualh-
hunted down the culprit and took vengeance upon him. Sometimes, however,
only the immediate family was concerned. When the murderer was found he
was killed as nearly as possible in the same way that he had committed the

74 AXTUKOPOI.OGICAI. PUB. UXIV. OF PA. irUSEUM, VOL. I.

murder. If the luurderer had used a knife on the victim, then he was executed
with a knife, the same one if possible. If he had usetl a rifle then he was shot
in the same way that he had done the deed. No vengeance, however, was under-
taken by tlic clan of a murderer for his death. There was only one way for a
man who was outlawed for a misdemeanor to be forgiven, and that was for him
to hide away until the next han'est ceremony and then trj' to get safely insitie
the town square during the event. If he succeeded in this ho was not molested
and was thereafter exempt from vengeance.

Adultery and fornication were the next most serious offences. The hus-
band or his family were the agents of j^unishment in this case, although anyone
discovering the parties in the act had the right to inflict mutilation. Fornica-
tr)rs and adulterere when caught were invariably punished by having their
eare cut off. The man and the woman were both treated in this Waj'.

Thieving was a minor offence and the matter was usually settled without
nuich of a disturbance, the property being returned or an equivalent rentlered.

Personal injur}- was revenged by personal retaliation. Sometimes, how-
ever, the victim's clan would help him to retaliate.

It would also happen that sometimes families, or a few townspeople, would
band together to rid the community of an imdesirable member, or to inflict
chastisement on some intolerable mischief maker. For instance, it often
happened that young women who were pestered too much by some man
would conspire together, waylay hun and abuse him imtil they thought he
had enough of a lesson. Not infrequently men of this sort were verj'
seriously mutilated by enraged and vindictive women. A case is remembered
where a woman cut off the private parts of a man who had forced her into
cohabitation.

The Societies.

Another social grouping entirely separate and distinct from the clan system
exists among the Yuchi. Its members are not necessarily considered as kin,
but represent two divisions of the tribe which include the entire male popula-
tion. Every male child is born into one of these two divisions and counts his
eligibility to membership through his father. The two divisions are the Chief
society and the Warrior society, respectively, bai^'^ and sd%d. Inlierited
membership in these societies is as rigid as it is in the clan, alienation
being impossible. Certain rights belong to these societies, which will
be described in separate paragraphs. But perhaps the chief idea con-
cerned with them is that the Chief society is a peace band, and the
Warrior society is a war band. Tribal subdivisions based on the
same functional idea are characteristic of several other southern tribes,
among whom may be mentioned the Creeks, and the Osage. Un-
doubtedly, when more is known, other tribes will be found to have similar

F. G. SPECK ETHN^OLOGT OF THE TUCIII INDIANS. 75

institutions. The Sauk, for instance, have something apparently quite
similar.'

' As so little on the subject of the social subdivisions among the southern and south-
eastern tribes has appeared in print, it seems advisable to present here what little is avail-
able for comparison.

The Creek tribes in general recognized the difference in function between two classes
of men in some of which membership was elective. These were the Chiefs and the Warriors,
the former less numerous but more influential in some towns, the latter having the political
control in other towns In Taski?i town, foi- example, the highest permanent authority
was a Chief instead of a Warrior, on account of which the town was classed as a white or
peace town. Facial painting among the Taskigi had for its object the designation of the
two divisions. (Cf. Creek Indians of Taskigi town, pp. Ill, 114.)

Among the Chickasaw all the clans are grouped into two divisions which, in sentiment,
are manifestly ill-disposed to each other, reciprocally attributing sickness to each other,
holding separate ceremonies, having separate officers, a separate camping place, and wearing
different facial painting. Here, too, one group is held in higher esteem, the other being
considered inferior. (Cf. Notes on Chickasaw Ethnology, Journal American Folk-Lore,
Vol. XX, p. 51).

The Osage gentes are grouped together in two divisions, politically opposite in func-
tion.' The one is for war, the other for peace, each having its own camping place, personal
marks, officers and local interests. (Cf. Siouan Sociology, Fifteenth Report Bureau
American Ethnology, 1893-94, and Notes on the Ethnology of the Osage Indians, Trans-
actions of the Department of Archeology, University of Pennsylvania, Vol. II, part 2,
p. 166-7).

"The warriors of the Saukie nation are divided into two bands or parties, one of which

is called Kishkoquis, or the ' Long Hairs,' and the other Oshkush, the brave The

Kishkoquis, or ' Long Hairs,' are commanded by the hereditary war chief Keokuk, whose

standard is red; the head man of the Oshkushies is Kaipolequa whose standard is

blue. The 'Long Hairs' take precedence in point of rank. The formation of these parties
is a matter of national concern, and is effected by a simple arrangement. The first male
child who is born to a Kishkoquis is marked with white paint, the distinguishing color of
the Kishkoquis, and belongs to that party; the next male of the same family is marked with
black paint, and is attached to the Oshkushies, and so on alternately, the first son belong-
ing to the band with his father, and the others being assigned in turn first to one band, and
then to the other. Thus all the warriors are attached to one or the other band, and the
division is as nearly equal as it could be by any arrangement commencing with infancy.

"Whenever the whole nation or any large party of warriors turns out to engage in a
grand hunt, or a warlike expedition, or for the purpose of performing sham battles, or ball
plays, the individuals belonging to the two bands are distinguished by their appropriate
colors. If the purpose of the assemblage is for sham fighting, or other diversion, the Kish-
koquis daub their bodi.-s all over with white clay, and the Oshkushies blacken themselves
with charcoal; the bands are ranged under their respective leaders and play against each
other rallying under the red and blue banners. In war and in hunting, when all must be
ranged on one side, the white and the black paints are mingled with other colors, so that the

distinction is kept up, and after the close of the expedition the trophies of each band

collectively art compared and the deeds of each repeated. The object of these societies will
be readily seen. They form a part of the simple machinery of a military government. . .

From early youth each individual is taught to feel that the honor of his band as

well as his own is concerned in his success or failure "

Cf. McKenny and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes of North America, etc., Phila-
delphia, 1848, vol. I, p. 117.

• ti ANTJUiUl'OLOCilCAL TUB. IXIV. OF PA. MUSEOMj VOL. I.

The Chief society, bale", has the right of being seated, during cerejnoni( s, in
the West lodge of the tou-n square, and from its ranks are chosen the highest
pubHc officials. Four chiefs occupy the front of the lodge, the principal or
town chief being of their number and their head. These four are the first to
come forward to participate in the ceremonial events. ]n tlie tnwn council it is
a Chief who must light the pipe and start it around. The main recognizetl
function of the Chief society is to manage the governmental affairs of the town
so that ]ieace is preserved. They are, above all, conservative in everything. If
anything, the Chiefs hold themselves above the Warriors in general fsteini.
They are the thinkers, the speakers, the dignified superioi-s of the town.

Although there e.xists no strictly regular dc sign for the facial decoration of a
Chief, yet the following limitations are traditionally observed. Little or no
i^lack is used, both ej'es are surrounded Mith red, and usually on each cheek
alternating bars, less than two inches long, of blue and yellow are laid horizon-
tally (PI. X, Fig. 5). Frequently three small blue spots are placed in a line
between the comer of the eye and the temple (Fig. 8). Any of tluse
markings may be omitted or varied to suit personal fancy, >ct the character-
istics are prominently retained. The young child members of the Chief society,
who have not yet been formallj' initiated to the band, are usually decorated with
red on the eyebrows, cheeks and forehead (Fig. 2). It is asserted that this
society has the privilege of exercising more freedom in the use of various
colors than the Warrior society.

The Warrior society, 5d"6d, has four representatives, who are seated two in
the north lodge and two in the south lodge, diu-ing the ceremonies. One of their
munber is head, and is called gocone. He is the highest in rank of the
Warrior society his special ofhce during the ceremonif s being to insure con-
tinuous dancing, to take care of the fire while dancing is going on, and
t(j appoint players in the ball game. The Warrior society forms one side in
the ball game; they are known as mean players, while their opponents, being
of the other society, display a more dignified demeanor. The four Warriors
are second to the Chiefs and follow them when the emetic is taken. This
society also supplies the official who performs the scratching operation at the
ceremonies. In the council antl at the ceremonies the common members of
the Warrior society are seated in the north and south lodges, ranged behind
their representatives. Their tendency in political affairs was formerly, to
advocate the appeal to arms. Wlien war was decided upon, the Warriors
embarked in a body under tln'ir head man, who might accordingly be called
a sort of war chief.

The characteristic pattern of this society is to have one half of the face retl,
the other black, (PI. X, Fig. 7) . A variation of this pattern, said to be a simpli-
fication, is to paint only one eye socket black and the other red. .Accompanying
this modification the upper lip is often blackened (Fig. 3).

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. ( .

Exceptions to the above formulae in facial decoration are quite frequent
and unexplainable. At the 1905 ceremonies one occupant of the Warrior lodge
had merely a red line drawn from the corners of the mouth to the angle of the
jaw bone (PI. X, Fig. 1). Both in 1904 and 1 905 the Yuchi town chief wore no
paint whatever, neither did the functionary who performed the scratching
operation. Chiefs have been observed at other times with red blotches or two
or three red bars on the cheeks (Fig. 6) .

If anything, something of a hostile feeling is manifested and felt
between the two societies. This is allowed to break out in a mild Way, upon
the occasion of the ball game, where, as before stated, the two societies make up
opposite sides. Jealousy on the part of the Warriors may be at the bottom
of this. The inheritance of property partially follows the paternal line,
thereby keeping within each society much of the property of its members.
At his death each male among the Yuchi is painted with the design ap-
propriate to his society, and slight differences in mortuary observances are
supposed to exist. A mythical origin is ascribed to the societies. A super-
natural being, Gohdnione, is believed to have been their originator, as
was stated by those who claimed to know anything at all on the subject.

In general, it may be added that at the annual ceremony the office of the
Chief society is to care for the medicine plants and their administration, while
the Warrior society presides over dancing and games, each society being rep-
resented in the field of ceremonial action by the four members with special
privileges. In all affairs, however, the Chief society takes precedence.

From all appearances men of the Chief class prefer to have their daughters
marry Chiefs rather than Warriors for the sake of maintaining the social superi-
©rity of their line. There is, th<)iigh, n© strict rule abeut this. If the tendency
toward endogamy were carried much further in the societies, they might be
described as non-totemic gentes, in the restricted American sense of the term,
and we should have an instance here of both a clan and a gentile system flourish-
ing in ^he same tribe.

Wlien the whole matter is considered as it stands among the Yuchi today,
it seems, if anything, that the society organization has a more prominent
place in the social life of the town than the clan organization. Whereas the
position of tovni chief is kept in the hands of a certain clan and many of the
ceremonial dances are supposed to have been formerly more in the nature of
clan dances, We find, nevertheless, that military, religious and most political
officers are chosen according to their society. As for military and most political
matters of the town they are quite evidently more the concerns of the societies
than of the clans.

As nothing definite regarding the actual history of the society organization
can be stated, it can only be said that the two social groups exist side by side,
having the tribal honors and privileges fairly equally divided between them.

78 ANTIlHOrOLOGICAI. TLH. INIV. 01 I'A. MISEUM, VOL. I.

In a general way there appear to be some j^oints of resemblance between these
divisions and the ceremonial and military' societies of the plains. The simple
inheritance of the society privileges, which cliaracterizes the Southeast, offers a
contrast in some respects to the custom as we find it in other regions. In some
tribes of the plains heraldic and society rights invested in sacred bundles are
transmitted by sale and purchase, while among the Kwakiutl, whose social
organization has been thoroughly studied, and so serves well for purposes of
comparison, the rights to ceremonies and heraldry are acquired by marriage.

To a certain extent, bearing in mind the feeling of superiority on the part
of the Chiefs, and their position in the town, the two Yuchi society groups
remind one of the social castes of the Natchez, if we rightly interpret the nature
of the latter from historical records.

The Town and Town Square.

We now come to the consideration of the town. This is the ruhng institu-
tion in the life of the Yuchi, the same holding true for most of the other south-
eastern tribes. It has superseded in political importance the other social group-
ings, and, as far as any governmental activities are carried on at all, they too
are the affairs of the tovni. The societies are represented by officers in to-nn
gatherings, while some of the clans have assimied the right to fill the highest
town office, as We have seen before. The town is extremely democratic, how-
ever, as all of the men are expected to be present at its meetings, having
the equal right to express opinions upon public matters which may be up for
debate and to acclaim their vote for or against candidates for the town offices.
The ritualistic and ceremonial life of the community is also a matter of town
interest. The chief religious rites take place once a year pubhcly in the
to'mi square. Here again ever}' male is a common participant in the events
that take place, and the leaders of the minor social groups become for the time
the ceremonial officials as well. Besides these officials, with double functions
as it were, there are several others who do not seem to have any special con-
cern with clan or society, but who have to do chiefly with the town when it is
assembled either on reUgious or political occasions.

The Yuchi to'mi, consisting of families, clans, and societies, forms by itself
an independent social group, as has been shown. The identity, politically
speaking, between the terms town and tribe has also been mentioned. There
are three such towns recognized today, one of them less important than
the others: Polecat, Sand Creek, and Big Pond, the last being the least.
The town comprises an area of settlement having a common public ceremonial
and council square-ground. It has a chief representative, who is called
'bdle",' the chief religious official as well. He was also the representative
of his town in the Creek House of Ivings. Two towns. Polecat and Sand
Creek, perform an annual ceremony at which the presence of all townsmen is

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 79

required, under penalty of a fine which is paid to the four principal chiefs
and used to defray the expenses of the attendant feast.*

Membership in the town is decided entirely by birth. But with proper
recognition a stranger who marries a Yuehi woman may become a member by
being initiated at the amiual ceremonies. Initiation merely consists in under-
going the ceremonial operations with the men of the town. The town has the
power to make peace or war. Redress for individual wrongs inflicted by aliens
is demanded by the town, and the town, furthermore, must be party to all imdcr-
takings or stipulations with foreigners.

In taking a view of the old town idea and the later developed Creek Con-
federacy, let us consider the condition of the Yuchi in their original seats, in
the east. There they lived in scattered communities, each having a public
town square and town ceremony just as today. Representatives were chosen
to appear at the tribal gatherings which occurred once a year when all the settle-
ments or villages were assembled. With the inroads of the unorganized Mus-
kogi from the west, and their incorporation of the indigenous southeastern
stocks, it would be very natural for them to seize upon a town system which
was found on the soil, well fitted to their mode of life and adaptable to a
loose protective confederacy. The loose confederacy then, when the
Muskogi had completed their conquest of the natives and become properI\'
organized, appeared as nothing more than an iinproved and extended ty])c
of the town system in vogue among themselves and the Yuchi.

The Town Square. — The center of the town is a square plot of ground
kept free from vegetation and trampled down smooth and hard all over. This
plot is known as the rainbow, or big house, yvP'o,'. Its four sides face north,
east, south and west respectively. Here is the sacred ground of the town
where civil and ceremonial events take place. The square, moreover, is the
town itself in sentiment. It is located near water, and at a point con-
venient to the townsfolk. Its sides are about 75 feet in extent. Three
lodges constructed of upriglit posts roofed with brush, open on all sides, stand
on its borders, one on the north, one on the west and one on the south side
of the square. In the center of the square is a spot where the fire is kept
burning during night gatherings. Some idea of the general appearance of
the town square and the lodges can be obtained from the photographs
illustrating the different stages of the ceremonies (Plates XII-XIV) . The archi-
tecture of the lodges is the same as that of the dwellings figured before. It
is commonly reported, however, that some generations ago the lodges on
the square-ground were quite different from those of today. They were

' In the 1905 ceremonies, the goconi, through intoxication, was unable to undergo the
scratching operation. For this, he and several others were each fined $2.50 by the chiefs.
If money is not forthcoming the equivalent in stock or property is exacted.

80

AXTiiKoroLocicvr. pub. uniw ui- pa. Mi'SEUjr, vol. i.

without roofs, being merely four tiers of logs intended for seats. These
were graded in elevation so as to afford all the audience an unobstructed view
of the square. The front and limest seat consisted sinijily of a log resting

5 o
60

B

07
08

B

NORTH

PUBLIC SQUARE GROl/IXD

Fig. 33. Diagram of Yuchi Town Square, showing seating of officials in council.

A. Chief
Society
Lodge

B. Warrior
Society
Lodge

X. Fire Place.

y 4

1. Town Chief, Bear Clan.

2. Assistant, Wolf Clan.
Chief, Wolf Clan.
Chief, Bear Clan.

5. Scratching Official,

6. Warrior Official,

7. (Master of Cermonies)

8. Warrior Official,

(?)

Bear Clan.
Goconc, Panther Clan.
Bear Clan.

upon the ground. The second was several feet higher, supported by
crotched or forked posts. The third was still higher, and the last bank of

r. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI IXDIAX8. 81

seats was some feet above the ground, enabling those sitting there to see over
the heads of the spectators in front.

A diagram of the town square showing the seating arrangement for the in-
habitants and for the different groups and officials is given in Fig. 33. It should
be added that the ordinary members of the Chief society are ranged on log seats
behind their leaders 1, 2, 3, 4 in the west lodge A. The other two lodges,
B, are for the Warriors whose leaders are seated at 5, 6, 7, and 8. The
clans of the various officials are given with the explanation of the figure, to
show how these are represented among the leaders at the time of this
writing. No particular arrangement in the location of different clans and
societies about the square seems to have been thought of. Aliens and
strangers are allowed on the square-ground at all times except during the
second day of the annual ceremony.

Only the political aspect of the town square has been thus far dealt \v;th.
Its religious aspect, however, is even of greater importance It has
already been said that the square-ground symbolizes the rainbow. In this
sense it represents the rainbow as the town square of the supernatural beings,
the idea having been brought to earth, with instructions to perpetuate it, by
the tribal deity, the Sun. In emulation of the supernatural lacings who were
holding a meeting upon the rainbow in the world above when the Sun himself
was born, the earthly people now congregate upon the earthly rainbow-shrine
for their communal events. At the time of the annual ceremonies the square-
ground is decorated in places with colored material, ashes, paint and vegeta-
tion to carry out the symbolism, the place becoming, for the time, a great
religious emblem. As this, however, is more closely connected with religion
than with the present heading, the description of the square as a tribal shrine
is reserved for another place.

Town Officials and Council.

Town Officials. — ^The following deals with various town officials and
their functions, as far could be learned. The officers are given in the list
in the order of their rank.

Bdie'^ gabiddne. — A tribal chief having this title is chosen for life to
represent the tribe in the Creek confederacy councils.

Baic"^d'. — This is a town chief elected from the Bear clan as the civil
and religious head. He must be of Chief class. A worthy clansman of his is
chosen to assist him and to inherit his place. This man, too, has an important
place in the ceremonies and is called also bdle^.

Bale". — Three Chiefs having this title comprise the town chief's staff.

Gocoiie. — This is a master of ceremonies from the Panther clan and repre-
sents the highest official of the Warrior society. He is the treasurer, so to
speak, of the town and possesses the power of a kind of policeman. He is

82 AXTlll!OrO],(XilC-VL I'LU. UNIV. OF PA. .MUSEUM, VOL. I.

the master of dances and the fire guardian at the night ceremonies. His duties
cease at the begimiing of the Ijall game which conchides the annual ceremony.

Gocone or Sd"bd.- — Three other Warriors comprises the staff of the preced-
ing officer, being called also gocoiic. They, with the mastor-of-ceremonies,
form a sort of Warrior committee.

All of these officei-s are both the civil ami religious functionaries upon
ceremonial occasions. The qualifier yiihilie, 'square ground,' is prefixed to
their titles, as in yifiaho'bak".

The following few officers seem to have had occasion for employment oidy
at the annual ceremonies, in the various capacities mentioned.

YdtcigV . — Four j'oung men about to be initiated were given their first
official duties under leadership of one of their number, i They were the actual
police of the public square, their badges of office being staffs about seven feet
long. They had to keep women and dogs from the square and to prevent men
from sleeping or leaning against posts during ceremonies. They handled the
sacred fire materials and procured and jjrepared the emetic. They will be
mentioned again later. This to'mi square ceremf)nial service was really the
culmination of their initiation period, and the yoimg men entered into full
tribal manhood after it was over.

Gondlne or Yatsd. — The scratcher, one of the Umr gocone, was chosen from
the Warrior society to perform theceremonialscratchingoperationuponthemen.

Ka'kd, 'white man.' — Two butchers had entire charge of the feast prepara-
tions at the ceremony. Their insignia were also staffs. They were also the
heralds for the town at this tune.

All of these offices are given by smiple election or appointment in council
in the public square, and are held for life unless deposition is warranted
on grounds of inefficiencj' or for some other good reason. The yatcigV, however,
leave their office when they marry and other boys take their places.

The Council. — ^The Yuchi council is the town assembly under the
charge of the officials. It is held in the public square at intervals appointetl
by the town chief, as a rule lasting all day. Every townsman is expected to be
present and seated in either the Chief lodge or the Warrior lodges, according
to his society. The four principal chiefs occupy the front log of their lodge
and the four 'gocone', two in each opposite Warrior lodge, are seated upon
the front log of that lodge. The town chief is the first to speak announcing
the purpose of the assembly. From the fire, which is started in the usual
place in the center of the square, a pipe is lighted by a member of the Chief
society and passed around. After due deliberation in smoking a speech can
be made by anyone wishing to do so. It is usual, however, for the town
chief to be the first to make an address. He rises from his seat and states the
subject under consideration, at the same tiane giving words of advice and asking
for serious thought in connection with the matter. Should the town chief for

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YDCHI INDIANS. 83

any reason not wish to make the speech himself, he can dictate it to an
assistant, who will commit it to memoiy antl, at the proper time, deliver it in
public as though he were the to\vn chief hunself.

In times of the election of officials, speeches are n^ade by the supporters of
the candidates, or those opposing them, until a majority is reached in the case
of each candidate. This is necessary in all elections to office. In the actual
election or casting of ballots, the men of the tovni assemble on the town square
in a long line. Then, as they start to walk toward the town chief, those "who
are in favor of the candidate step out of the line to one side. A man of the
Warrior society, usually the gocon4, counts them and reports the result to the
town chief, who concludes with a speech of inauguration. Councils and
elections of this sort are usually ended by night-time and the towns folk then
fall to dancmg in the square-ground until daybreak. The seating in the
council is the same as that in the ceremonies. The decisions of the body
are made public throughout the town and carried into effect by the gocone.
Two Warriors often serve as heralds during council meetings and during
the ceremonies. These are the ka'ka. They are a sort of police as well.

The Yuchi tribe has a head chief who is known as its highest representative.
His town, the Polecat settlement, is now the center of religious and political
activity.

Every individual not a Yuchi by blood is held as an inferior, and a separate
pronominal gender in the language distinguishes the Yuchi from all other tribes
and races. Nevertheless, men of other tribes often maiTy Yuchi women and
thenceforth are obliged, under penalty of a fine, to take part in tribal activities.
Suchj however, are not often elected to offices. They sit in the Warrior society
lodges in the square. A few Creeks and Shawnees are thus intermingled with
the Yuchi. As a part of the Muskogi confederacy, the Yuchi tribe occupied an
equal place with the various other tribes and stocks that composed this body.
Officially it was called in Creek,Yuchi Town, Yu'tsi tdlwa, and sent one represen-
tative to the Creek House of Kings and four (sometimes called Commissioners)
to the House of Warriors at Muscogee, I. T., the then capital of the Creek
Nation. Yuchi Town is looked upon as quite an important one in the confed-
eracy, for it always has been somewhat aggressive.

If in conclusion we interpret the social conditions correctly it would
appear, from what has been said, that certain of the clans had established their
own prominence in the village community, made up different totemic groups,
and assumed the prerogative of filling the highest governmental office,
namely that of town chief. From this point on, we may venture to say, the
various social elements of the town obtained representation in public
offices until a balance of power was reached and the present town organiza-
tion resulted.

S4 AXTHUOPOLOOTCAI. Pm. TXIV. OF PA. MUSEIir, VOL. I.

WARFARE.

The military was only a moderately developed ini-titutioii with the Yuchi.
As far as we are able to judge,, the training of young men for the war path wa^^
undertaken as a means of defense, rather than for the purpose of aggression.
The original idea was apparently to maintain the pohtical unity of the tribe,
and to protect its territory against the encroachments of foreigners. The
town council, consisting of the chief as chairman and representatives from the
Chief and Warrior societies, together with war leaders and other old men of
integrity and experience, exercised the privilege of declaring war against an
eneiriy, calling all the able-bodied men of the Warrior class into action. In
such a case the town was said to "go out" and the movement was a unanimous,
tribal one. The matter, however, would be debated in the town scjuare for
some time, the Warrior society usually clamoring for action, the Chief society
bringing to bear a conservative influence on the debat(\

On the whole, little seems to be known of the military history of this tribe.
Hawkins states that Benjamin Harrison attacked one of the Yuchi to\vns and
killed sixteen gim men. Historically we know of another such instance fluring
the Creek War, 1814, when the Yuchi joined the Creeks in an effort to repulse
General Jackson and suffered, in consequence, quite serious losses at the hands of
the troops. They as a tribe no doubt supported the Creek towns at other times
after their incorjioration into the Creek Confederacy.

There was, however, nothing to prevent the gratification of individual
inclinations toward making up parties for raiding or for war with other tribes.
The Yuchi, like typical Indians, often proceeded to do this. Such parties often
comprised the members of a clan who were bent on retaliation, or they might be
made up of restless, violent fellows who thirsted for excitement or plunder.
In such a project, we are told, the to\vn itself had no share of responsibil-
ity and often manifested ojDenly its disapproval. Neither would the town
acknowledge the blame before the representatives of other tribes which had
iieen assaulted by such parties.

For warfare the Yuchi used the same kind of bows and arrows as for hunt-
ing. These have been described. In addition, a club, geg^ane or yak'^a', was
carried. A sketch of one of these is given, PI. IX, Fig. 6, as it was remembered
by an Indian. Its handle was of wood and the head was a wooden ball.
A string of feathers ran from the end of the handle to the head. Axes
with stone, and later with iron heads, are remembered to have been used.
They were called tcidl'. A modification of the iron tomahawk, tctdl'yucFa',
'tomahawk pipe, ' was much in vogue, during the colonial times, among the

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUGHI INDIANS. 85

Yuchi as among most of the eastern tribes. These, of course, were obtained
from white traders. Nothing, however, is remembered of spears or shields.

Before going into action tlie warriors were careful to have their faces
painted with the design appropriate to their society or class. , A head covering
or helmet was made of leather stiffened and rounded on top to deaden the im-
pact of a club or arrow. The whole affair was rather low and dome-shaped and
was colored red, symbolic of war.

In the attack an attempt would often be m'ide to take captives. These
woidd be taken to the town and burnt at the stake right off or kept
until the next annual ceremony. Here, then, they were sacrificed by being
burnt in tlie southeast comer of the town square at high noon of the
second ceremonial day, as an offering to the Sun. The shedding of human
blood upon the town square shrine at this ceremonial time was, as We shall see
later, quite an important rite.

Scalps were taken by removing the whole scalp, the hair of men being
dressed to form one entire scalp lock covering the crown. When scalps were
brought to the town, they were stretched on hoops and carried in a dance at
night, by the women relatives of those who took them, as among the prairie
tribes. A cry, said to be in imitation of the wolf, was given by a warrior when
a scalp was taken, and the same cry is nowadays given by a player in the ball
game who throws a goal. This is called the 'gobble-whoop,' as it ends in a trem-
ulous gobble made in the throat; a very popular cry among all the southern
tribes. Before going to war the town would perform all the dances and many
of the ceremonies of the annual ceremony, to propitiate and secure the favor of
the clan totems and other beings. This performance was called the War Dance
in the common parlance of the Indians and white men.

86 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

GAMES.

With the Yuchi, all games have a strong ceremonial aspect. They arc,
most of them, of a public character, taking place in the allotted playgrounil
adjacent to the public square. The afternoon of the second day of the an-
nual festival is the usual time for playing them ceremonially. Many of the
games are accompanitd by ritual, more especially the ball game. Stakes are
wagered in nearly all games by both players and spectators. Like most Indian
games the betting is a very important item of consideration.

The first to call for description is the ball game played with tv^o rackets
and known quite generally among the tribes of the Southeast. A number of
descriptions of the game as played by various tribes are available and offer inter-
esting material for comparison.'

This game commands more interest among the Yuchi thaii any other, and
is always playt d after the emetic is taken and the feast completed, on the second
day of the annual ceremony. It has been, however, played at other times
of the year by different parties in the tribe or made an intertribal or inter-
town contc st for the purpose of betting. The Yuclii have frequently plaj'ed
against other towns of the Creek Nation. The game is still played in a
modified manner.

A rite, called the Ball Game Dance, is performed the night before,
ill honor of the sticks which are used in the game, and the supernatural
power residing in them. The sticks are placed on a scaffold, usually in the west
lodge of the square ground, with a line of women standing behind it. Men,
including the players, are lined up on the opposite side. They all sing and
stamp their feet, but in this dance the loudest singing is done by the women .
Sometimes the sticks are painted red for this ceremony, to symbolize their
■combative function.

As many players as wish or are fitted to do so may take part in the game,
though the sides must be evenly matched. On this occasion, men of
the Chief class form one side and Warriors the other. The latter are tradition-
ally mean players, even nowadays resorting to foul play and violence. Each
side choses a chief or leader, and his regalia at the present day consists of a

' A compilation of much of the material has been made by Culin and published.
See games of the North American Indians, in Tweutj'-fourth Annual Report of Bureau
American Ethnology (1902-190.3), p. 561, €t scq.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCIII INDIANS. 87

cow's tail stained red, worn sticking out from tlie back of the belt, or a
collar of red cloth having a number of blue strips hanging from it. Common
players must not wear foot coverings or hats. The custom now is to have
a handkerchief bound around the head. Formerly no clothing save the
breechcloth and sash or cow's tail was worn.

Goals consisting of two uprights and a cross piece are erected at each end of
a level stretch, about 250 feet apart. The course of the ball field is east and
west. Each goal is sacred to one side, and various means are attempted to bewitch
that of the opponents. If a woman with child can be made to encircle the goal of
the opposite side it will cause that side to lose. In very formal games certain
taboos of actions and diet were enforced, but these practices are now obsolete.

The sticks used in this game are made of hickory. Two are used by each
player, that in the right hand often being longer by several inches. These ball
sticks, (iagd'Vd (PI. VI, Fig. 2), are usually about three feet long, of heavy,
well-seasoned hickory wood. They are sometimes circular, sometimes
polygonal in section. The scoop to catch the ball in is formed by cutting
about one foot of the shaft down flat, then turning and bending it back
upon the handle end, where it is lashed fast in several places. The open
scoop is then netted with rawhide or deerskin, one thong ruiming
lengthwise across the open and another crosswise. In some particularly good
sticks there are two thongs each way. Holes through the rim of the scoop
are made for fastening the thongs. Some variety in detail is found in
difTerent specimens. The crosswise thongs are twisted up tight, so as to
hold fast the lengthwise strand which passes through the twist perpen-
dicularly.

The ball, dagd"', is made of buckskin stuffed with deer hair and contains a
conjured object in the center. It is about two and one-half inches in diameter,
the cover consisting of two round pieces of soft deerskin sewed together all
around their edges. A specimen ball, when opened, proved to contain a
core of red cloth which was itself sewed up in the form of a ball. The
large ball, dagd"^d, used in the football and handball game, is six inches
in diameter and much softer than the small one. Several aiLxiliary lines of
stitching are put on the opposite sides of the joining seam to take up
whatever slack might result from violent usage.

The other tribes using two sticks in this game, in contrast to the one-stick
game of the northern Plains and Algonkian tribes, are the Creek, Seminole,
Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Shawnee. The Choctaw seem to have
carried the ball game to its highest athletic and ceremonial form.

Before the Yuchi laegin a game, an address of encouragement and instruc-
tion is given by an old man of the Warrior society who has charge of the event.
In one form of the game the sticks are laid on the ground in a pile and at a

AXTllliOI'OLOOICAI. ruii. UNIV. OF PA. .MTSEl'M, VOL. I.

the players scrainhic for thciii. At other times, time is taken up in
conjuring the seore-grouml. Ai\ old man, a Warrior, marks a line on the ground
near the ball field. He cuts small sticks to represent points or goals. Then he
begins a harangue to the sticks and the mark, telling them to be fair and so on,
pointing all the time at the different objects He names the sides on the
line and the little score sticks. After this conjuration he takes the ball and,
when the ]ilayers are ready, being arranged in squads near their goals, tosses
up the ball from the middle point between the goals. Then he runs to one
side to escape the clash of the opponents. The players close in to catch the
ball in their rackets and force it through their opponents' goal posts.

Strict care must be taken by the players not to allow the ball to be touched
by their hands. This is about the only rule of the game, every sort of strategy
and violence being allowed. When a player makes a goal he throws his bodv
forward, elevates his elbows and gives the 'gobble ' yell, a tremulous whoop
also given as a scalp cr\'. This is a taunt.

From this point on the game is a wild struggle. The bystanders add to
the confusion by shouting and yelling cries of encouragement, gyd, 'hurrj' up,'
kye, 'here,' and other directions intended to aid the players, just like white
spectatoi-s. Wlierever the ball is there is a pushing, shouting, yelling crowd of

Goal I °^ o o°oS^«*« • •» I Goal

I "^o . • J

Fig. .34. rian of Ball Field.

playei-s trying to get it in their rackets. Those on the inside are fumbling and
trying to prevent others from securing it, while those farthest away are pushing
and hammering with their sticks to break a passage toward the center, until
someone secures the ball and sends it up in the air over the heads of the
crowd toward the opponents ' goal if possible. Then someone else who has
been waiting at a distance for just this occasion lias time to seize the ball between
his rackets and line it off for a goal before the crowd reaches him. He is
lucky if he does not get clubbed by some angry opponent after this. If his
throw falls short or misses the goal someone else has a chance to get it and
make a throw. Or if the player who catches the ball is near the hostile goal
he may trj' to run with the ball tightly gripped in his rackets. Then his
success depends upon his speed, but his pace may be slackened by a blow from
the racket of some one of his pursuers, M^hereupon he drops the'ball and the
crush closes in about him. Or he may circle off and by outrunning the rest
succeed in carrying the ball through the goal posts, while everyone sets up
a yell and the sides line up with suppressed excitement for another inning.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI IXDIAXS.

89

The line-up was observed as follows: according to the number of players a
certain force was placed to guard the goal post on each side, while the majoritj-
were grouped on opposite sides of the center of the ground where the ball is
tossed up. Thus there were two squads on each side. Between these squatls
few half-way men were stationed. The diagram, Fig. 34, shows a tj^pical ar-
rangement, the black dots representing one side, the circle their opponents.
The cross X is where the ball is tossed up. As the games observed were bi-
tween members of the two societies of the tribe, the players in the figure, in-
dicated by circles and dots, represent respectively Chiefs and Warriors.

Goals obtained are marked by the score-keeper, by driving small sticks
in the ground on the side of the line which has scored. The first side to
score twenty goals wins. In this game men arc often seriously injured anil
killed. It is stated that, in a game between the Yuchi and one of the Creek
towns some years ago, four men were fatally injured. The photographs
(PI. XVI. ) show groups of players at different stages of a game which took
place in conclusion of the annual ceremony of 1905.

A similar game in which women may
take part on both sides, or against men, is
played with a large ball (Fig. 35), the bare
hands alone being used. This is an informal
and very amusing event. Played in anothei- L* ^
way the ball is kicked by men and women «.-».-■'■
on opposite sides. This was called dag\'' gto'l-^^ ^^^.-sssk 8a\j>

fc'«t', 'ball kick.' 1^^^^ 1^^*/^^^/

Another game is called cow's head. .\ ^w^^ft^^*h^/-'^) /i' S
cow's head is elevated on a pole about ^:>ji^3^ ^
twenty feet high, and men and women strive n^ " •> ^ L.

to hit it with a small ball, which the women
throw with their hands and the men with Fig. 35. Foot Ball,

ball sticks. Counts are as follows:

Hitting cow's head counts for men 1 , for women ... 5

" " horn " " " 1. " " ... 2

" two feet below head " " 3 , " " .1

Played in another way, the women throw the ball, which was a large
one in this case, while the men kick it. Twenty players were on each side.
Betting was carried on with both of these games.

Like the prairie tribes, the Yuchi women also played a game ^\•ith two balls
connected by a thong. This they tossed by means of a simple straight stick.
There was no goal, the object merely being to get the chain ball away from the
opponent. The hoop and throwing stick game was also known to the Yuchi.
Cat's cradles or string games are well known l)y cliildren and adults. Four

90 AXTiir.oroLofiicAL pub. rxi\. ok pa. museiji, vol. i.

or five of these string figures were seen. One of them, for instance, was called
Crowfoot,* another resembled the common Jacob's Ladder,^ while the others,
extremely long and complex, conld not be named. All of the figures were
made by one person alone and the figm-es were brought out chiefly by
manipulating the right hand. A connnon figure was similar to that known to
white children under the name of 'sawing wood.'^ Some of the string figures
may have been learned from white people.

Horse racing, foot racing and trials of strengtli and endurance are greatly
to the liking of the Indians. On such occasions they usually indulge freelj^ in
betting. Among other contests carried on by men is a fonn of \\Testling.
Tlie first grasp is an elbow grasp, each man holding the other somewhere
near the elbow and tr3'ing to throw him backwards by dexterous twisting
or by combined strength and weight. The semiformal giving of presents
to guests and friends is also a fairly common practice upon the occasion
of the gatherings. The event is hardly to be called formal, as the giver
simply offers tobacco to the person lie wishes to honor and states aloud
what he will give. The recipient is under no obligations to return the
favor mitil some time has passed, when he is expected to return to the giver
another and more valuable gift.

'The finished pattern resembles "Leashing of Lochiel's Dogs" (cf. String Figures,
by Caroline F. Jayne, New York, 1906, pp. 116, 120; also the Tanana " Raven's Feet")
(ibid. p. 306, fig. 825) ; and the Cherokee "Crow's Feet" (ef. A. C. Haddon, American
Anthropologist, Vol. V, No. 2, p. 217).

'This resembles an Os.ige figure recorded by Mrs. Jayne (cf. String Figmes, p. 27,
Fig. 50.)

' Cf. ibid. ]). 357 Fig. 805.

B. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS.

91

CUSTOMS.
Birth.
Before child-birth takes place the prospective mother retires to a secluded
temporary camp always east of the usual dwelling. Here she is attended by one
or two old women relatives and her mother.

In order to facilitate delivery a decoction is made by placing a bu'lct in
a cup of water, and the woman is given this to drink. During dehvery she
lies flat on her back on the floor or on the ground. Sometimes the fai.iily

Fig. 36. Objects Deposited With Navel Cord.

induces an old woman to come and help the woman in labor by sitting on
her abdomen so that she can be held in her arms. As soon as the child is
born it is washed, but no clothes are put on it until the fourth day, when it
is named. The mother is allowed to partake of nourishment; the child, how-
ever, is not given suck until the fourth day. The taboos shortly to be described
which devolve upon the father go into effect as soon as the child is born.

92 ANTIIKOI'OLUCICAL PUB. UXIV. dl I'A. MISICIM, \(ll.. I.

The fital coverings are disposed of by iiihiiniatioii. Care is taken to pn-
seiA-e the imibilical cord. In the case of a jnale child it is treated in the
following manner: the father has prepared a small bow about eight inches
long and strung witli wound sinew, an imitation of the larger weapon.
Four arrows, notclied but unfeathered, with sharpened shafts, accompany
the bow (Fig. 35, a). The arrows are then bound, together with the navel
cord, at the center of the little bow, and the whole thing is throwii where
the brush is very dense and where no one will see it. This is an invocatif)n
and prayer that the boj- grow up to be a masterful handler of the bow both
in hunting and in war.

In the case of a female child the cord is likewise presented. It is carried
to the great log mortar which stands in the space before every Yuchi house, and
tucked snugly awaj' beneath it in the earth at the base. The father then can'cs
a small model of a mortar and pestle together with two different sized pot-
stirrers (Fig. 36, b, c, d). These objects are preserA^ed somewhere about the
house or camp and represent a prayer that the girl may grow up to be
proficient in all the arts of good housekeeping. 'V\Tien the father is informed
that his child is a boy he is pleased, and the l^irth of a female child brings
joy to the mother.

The Yuchi do not, as far as lias been obsen-ed, practice the custom of making-
cradle boards for their infants as some of their neighbors do. On the contrary,
a hanmiock of cloth or of strouding is constructed upon two ropes attached to
trees, and separated by two cross pieces at head and foot to spread the opening
at the top and admit air to the child, \\lien the mother wishes to carry it, the
infant is either slung in a shawl upon her back, or if strong enough, is made to
straddle her hip with her ami about its waist for support. Some amulets
are usually fastened about its neck to protect the child from sickness. While
some of the southeastern tribes followed the custom of artificially flattening
the frontal region of the skulls of infants,' considerable inquiry among the
older Yuchi people failed to bring out any definite infonnation on this
point, so it seems likely that if this was ev(^r done by them it has long been
forgotten.

Upon the birth of a child into the family certain very strict taboos fall upon
the father. From the day that the child is born he may do no work, nor
sleep in his customary place in the house for the space of one month. He
usually estabhshes himself in a camp near by. A strict dietary taboo also
prevents him from tasting salt, sweet potatoes, jjumpkins, melons and musk
melons for the same period. The stigma of religious uncleanness wiiich
attaches to the wife during the season of child-birth ami eatamenia, is
ajjparently shared by the husband. During the month of taboos he is not

' Cf. American Anthropologist (N. S.) vol. 9, No. 2, p. 294 (1907).

F. G. SPECK ETIIXOI.OGY OF THE YUCIII IXDIAXS. Vo

expected to mingle nnieh with his companions in public ])laces, anil should
he attempt to ignore his bounds, they would remind him of them bj- shunning
him or casting blame and ridicule upon him.

The actions of the father are believed to exert some sort of influence upon
the growth of the child during this tender period, before it is considered to have
severed all the bonds which link it with the supernatural. The child is looked
upon as the reincarnation of some ancestral spirit from the spirit world. Should
the father violate the taboos not only he might suffer but the child itself would
pay the penalty for his transgressions. As for the rest, the community at large
thinks it best to ha^■e as little as possible to do with the couple who have thus
come into communication with the supernatural, since no one can tell what
evil conseciuences may follow. As surely as the father might suffer, if he trans-
gressed, he would be the means of spreading abroad the contagion of evil.
The religious significance of the taboo in this tribe will be treated more at
length in the general discussion of religious beliefs.

To the father of a family fell the lot of instructing his boys in manly exer-
cises and in the duties and privileges of whichever of the two societies he in-
herited prospective membei-shij) in. The mother on her jiart was responsible
for the training up of her daughters in domestic duties.

Naming.

LThe fourth (hiy after its birth is the all impoi'taut day for the newly bom
child. It is then no longer a half-spirit, but a real human being and belongs to
earth. Upon this day it is first given suck, and a name having been chosen by
both mother and father, preparations are made to bestow it upon the infant.
In regard to the choice of names there is a significant rule that a child shall take
the name of some maternal grandparent's brother or sister according to sex.
"\ Thus names are transmitted in accordance to a maternal system of inheritance,
and, although the clan of the individual is by no means illustrated in his
name, as it is among the Creeks, Siouan, and Algonkian tribes, it is quite
evident that the same names will descend through the same clan, occurring in
alternate generations. Under this arrangement if all the names in a certain
clan were a matter of general knowledge throughout the comnuniity, the custom
would more nearly coincide with the above-mentioned groups where personal
names indicate clanship. It is not uncommon, however, for children to be
named directly after the totem. Although the percentage of such names is not
high, they are still to be found. For example, we find Sag^e' slue, ' Little Bear,'
to be a member of the Bear clan. In some cases, I was informed, the
ancestral name is not perpetuated in the child, but the parents may if they
desire invent a new name connected with some peculiarity of the child or
some incident attending its birth. The usual ceremony of naming on the

94 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. iUSEUM, VOL. 1.

fourth (lay after birth, consists in fastening a string of white beatls aljout the
infant's neck in token of the occasion. These beads are worn continually
until the child is able to walk about. In default of a string of beads a
single white bead is often substituted.

The above facts regarding personal names are significant in another respect ,
and have something to do with the idea of reincarnation. When it is borne in
mind that, in the journey of the departing soul, it requires four days to reach
the land of the dead, there appears an (>vident connection between these
four days and those that arc allowed to j^ass before the newly born child
is given its name.

The Yuchi believe that in naming a child after the ancestor it will exhibit
the qualities of that ancestor, and it is frequent to hear a father remark how
much his son is getting to be like his great uncle, and then proceed to eulogize
the latter. The child spoken of will bear his name, often with the diminutive
particle if the name is of European origin, as John, Little John. Judging
by conversations that I have had 'nith the Yuchi upon the matter of
reincarnation, it seems that belief in the connection between the body and
temperament of the child, and those of its maternal ancestor in the second
past generation, imdoubtedly exists in their minds.

Ceremonial or political position is not indicated in the name of an indivi-
dual, so when such ranks are mentioned they are apart from the name. It is
not known tliat names have been changed or multiplied, there does not seem
to be anj- reluctance in the matter of mentioning the names of dead persons.
In common use personal names are not very much hearil. In fact, some
people seem to be rather ashamed of them, and when questioned on the subject
will refer to a bystander or some friend. Not infrecjuentlj' a man when giving
his name will whisper it. Particularly at the ceremonies men are addressed by
their society titles, as Bdle'\ Chief, or Sd"bd, Wamor, Gocone, and so on.
The characteristic features of names among the Yuchi are, in brief, that one
name, supposedly indicating the reincarnation of a maternal antecedent two
generations removed, is borne unvaried through life, and that nothing necessarily
expressed in the name itself indicates clanship, or rank.

Following is a hst of names with interpretations given b}' an interpreter, in
some cases attainable by analysis, in others not. The interpretations lay no
claim to accuracy, for many of the names themselves are regarded as
archaisms.

Dascwi', Comes crossing.

Katane, Meet hun.

Yalewi', Come back.

GAtnbesl'ne Little screw driver.

AgA"gone Comes with someone (fem.).

Go'td Shake with something.

F. G. SPECK — KTHXOI.OGY OF THE YUCHI INDIAXS. 95

Ka'kd White man.

Fago'o"ivl' Comes out of the thicket.

EkUane It has left me.

Gopetcayie Man who jumps over sometliing.

Kubd Creek Indian (literally, 'Looking >ip this way')-

Dastana"-gl' For Creek, Tast\u\'gi, warrior.

Kilewi' Passing.

Gonc^a' Big babj-.

Gegogane Sent back home.

Ydstagolauc Goes toward the fire (fem.).

Ga"'stne Little baby (fem.).

Gobadane' Sheep (literally, 'fat leg')-

Go^d' Big person (fem.).

Ya'td^go"je Gone ahead with someone (fem.).

Ydda po"ie Under the bucket

GoHd"'tcttie Runs after him.

Dj-i^io' Crooked John.

Goyd^ane Cuts up sticks (with an axe).

Djadjisi'^A" Little George.

S^ate Touches the ground.

S^agwatie Takes him down.

YiiwagegoHd "'

Sag^e' sine Little Bear.

Marriage.

Marriage among the Yuchi is remarkably simple, being attended by no
ceremony so far as could be learned. A young man having fovmd a girl to his
taste in various respects, decides to appropriate her. He meets her frequently
and courts her. She leaves home at length of her own will and he builds a
house for them. No exchange, so far as is kno\\^i, is made, but it often happened
that tlie man gave the girl's family a pony. Sometimes the man goes to live
with his wife's parents until he is able to start for himself. The couple
separates at will, but the children go with the mother. Should this occur, the
man must never speak to her again under any circumstances, as it would
lessen her chance with other men.

There is a restriction in regard to marriage, however, that is very strict.
Each individual is a member of a certain totemic group, or clan, and marriage
between members of the same clan is strictly tabooed as a fomi of incest. The
clans, however, are all equal in this respect, as marriage may take place between
any two.

As a rule, it may be added, married people, if such concubinage should be
called marriage, are quite sjoupathetic with each other.

96 AXTIIKOrOLOGICAL PCB. UXIV. OF i'A. MUSEU.M, VOL. I.

Polygamy was practiced in the past cjuite generally. A man could have
UK many wives as he could get and keep. His residence in such a case Was his
own, but each wife had her own property, the children she bore belonging to
her and her clan. Unfaithful wives were punished b}' having their ears cut ofif.

Initiation.

Each boy at the time when he reaches the age of puliorty is set off from his
companions by certain rules of conduct. His period of initiation is brought
to a culmination at the next annual ceremony performed by the tribe in
the to^vn square. During this event he. with other boys who are being
initiated, has certain ceremonial offices to perfonii. When the ceremony is
over his period of initiation is likewise over, and he is regarded as an adult,
although a callow and inexperienced one. He is then in the right position
to take a wife, have a voice in the town square, and receive appointment to
some higher ceremonial office. Thereafter the people watch him to find some
manifestation of ability in industrial, civil or military matters according to
his bent. Henceforth the yoimg man is under the guidance and protection
i)f his clan totem, the initiation rites and adoption into the town having at
thesame time secured this for him. Initiation was, in brief, the formal ad-
mission of youths into the privileges of their hereditary society, and into the
rank of responsible manhood in their clan and town.

Further mention will be made of the boys undergoing the last stages of their
initiation term in the account of the annual ceremony, and again in the descrip-
tion of the public offices in the town, where they are known as yatcigi'.

Menstruation.

During the menstrual periods, the Yuchi woman is obliged to leave the
common domicile, the company of her husband and family. Going away
by herself she makes a shelter some distance from the camp, usually to the east
of it. Here she remains for four da.vs, having no part in the preparation of
food for the household and taking no part in any household tluties whatever.
She may not even touch common property, striving to be seen as little as
possible by friends or relatives. A very stringent taboo was that she should
sleep apart from her husband. In fact, during this whole period of about four
days an atmosphere of seclusion surrounds the near relatives, while the
iiusband refrains from joining hunting parties or social gatherings with his
friends, since it is understood that his company is not desired for the time. The
reason given for this is that the woman is considered to be unclean and that
objects or persons coming in touch with her acquire the same quality. The
micleanness referred to is a magic not a physical quality. It is thought that
she becomes a mere invohmtaiy agent of evil magic at this time.

r. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 97

While the woman is thus sechided food is brought to her by her mother
in four small dishes, yadadane (PI. Ill, Fig. 1), of unbaked clay, one being for
sofkee, one for meat and the others for bread and coffee. These foods are left
under a tree near at hand by the woman's mother, within easy reach. Before
returning to her home the woman must wash herself and all garments
concerned with her. The small dishes are destroyed. This is done to obliterate
all possible channels through which the power of harm might flow from
the unclean to clean objects.

Burial.

Beliefs.— The individual, according to Yuchi religious philosophy, pos-
sesses four spirits, n\"g^a', one of which at death remains in the spot where
disembodiment took place, while two others hover in the vicinity of the
tribesfolk and relatives. The infonnation in regard to these two, however,
is rather vague. The fourth starts upon a four days' journey along the
rainbow trail eastward to yubahe', 'far overhead,' the haven of souls. At the
point where earth and sky meet, a great cloud is constantly rising and falling.
Under this cloud all souls must pass and, should the passage be made in
safety, yubahe is subsequently attained. But many souls are crushed and
lost forever, while some are obliged to return to earth again in failing,
through fear, to pass the obstacle. Those spirits which remain on earth may
be propitious or otherwise, but are generally held in fear. A general belief
that the reincarnation of ancestors in the maternal line takes place in tlie
birth of children has already been mentioned.

Rites. — Upon the ileath of an individual the observances jiracticed have a
twofold function : they not only manifest the grief of the survivors but they are
destined to prepare the soul elements for the last journey, the trial at the end of
the eartli, and future existence.

The mortuary customs of the Yuchi have undergone a idiange within t.h(.'
last two decades, a change from burial beneath the house floor to outdoor burial.
The same may be said of their neighbors the Creeks. In fomier times the rites
were as follows: as soon as death had been ascertained, public announcement
of it was made by the assistant of the town chief, or second chief. Six shots
were, and are today, fired from a rifle to apprise both the living and the dead of
the event. In the winter of 1904 when Katdna, Charles Big Pond, died ten
shots were fired as an especial tribute, but this was not often rendered to
ordinary men. The number fired for Chiefs and Warriors is the same. The
body of the man is then washed by near relatives and laid on its back
upon the floor. He is dressed in good clothes and his face is paintetl with tlie
Chief or Warrior design according to his society. By this time the camp is
informed and general lamentation follows. Anciently it was customary for

98 AXTHROPOLOGICAL PDB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

men to assemble on the ensuing morning and dig a grave directly in the center
f)f the earth floor of the house. Both then and now boards were placed, or
slabs of bark, at the bottom and around the sides of the pit, since no dirt nuist
come in contact with the bofly. A package of tobacco and some money were
inhumed at the same time. When burial was beneath the floor neither
horse nor dog was slain OA-er tiie spot, and the occupation of tlie house was not
interrupted.

In most respects the same details in rite are followetl out in the present day
as in the past, but the modern rite differs in s(jme particulai-s. A common bur}--
ing ground is usually to be found near each point of settlem(>nt, so when a dead
man hae been properly attired and decorated he is carried thither and buried
in the manner described before. The head is always placed to the west, causing
the face to be directed toward the east, the direction in which the departing
spirit journeys. Once, according to a last request, an old man was interred
facing the west because, as he said, being a progressive man, disgustefl with c)Id
conditions, he did not wish to travel the path of his ancestors.

A fire is built at the head of the pit and maintained for four days and nights
to light up the path of the spirit. It proljably has some sAnubolic reference to
the sun also. Bread, meat, boiled corn and a bundle of clothes are laid beside
the body, the food stuffs usually in an earthen bowl. The horse, or dog, or Ijoth,
of the deceased were sometimes slain ovei- the grave to serve their master, but
this practice is obsolete.

When intonnent has been completefl a volley of four rifles is discharged
over the grave, as a final salute, and to clear the path for the soul, the shooters
facing east. A structure composed of notched logs, or boards, in the form of a
roof is erected over the spot, assumedly as a protection to the remains.

To rid the premises of the household from the possible presence of the wan-
dering spirits, which are held in fear, a Inicket is filled with cedar leaves and
smudged about the house, on all sides and in the garden patch. This is done
but once and considered effectual. On the morning of the fourth day, a shaman
prepares a feast in the house of the dead. Its doors are thrown open and all
comei-s are made welcome at the spread. This feast celebrates the supposed
safe arrival of the spirit in the upper world.

Sickness, in the shape of rheumatic pains, is believed to fall upon any person
who becomes soiled with tlirt from a newly dug grave. The vicinity of a bury-
ing ground is commonly avoided as the wandering spirits are thought to abound
there. Names of dead persons are not tabooed. Graves, nowadays, are not
visited much or kept in repair. Lastly, there is said to be a sUght difference
between the mortuary rites practiced for the Chief society and those prac-
ticed for the Warrior society. The Yuchi do not seem to have special clan rites
at death.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 99

Miscellaneous Customs.

Smoking. — Tobacco, T, has always been raised quite extensively by each
faniil>- for smoking and for ceremonial use.

For ordinary use it has been customary to mix sumac leaves with the
tobacco in varying proportions. Both men and women smoke for pleasure.
It should be recalled* that a somewhat irregular polish was given to pipe bowls
by rubbing them when wet with a piece of smooth stone. The pipe forms
sometimes resemble frogs. These symbolize the frog which a supernatural
being named Wind used as a pipe bowl in the mythical age. The pipe stems
also symbolize a snake, which he used as his pipe stem, liis tobacco being
snake dung. The myth referred to will be given at the end of this paper.

Smoking is called 'tobacco drink. ' Men, women and even small children
practice it, though they are not by any means incessant smokers. When they
do smoke, however, it is done rather vigorously with much inhaling. People
smoke more in winter than in summer. Fonnerly, each man carried his smok-
ing articles with him in a pouch hanging at his side.

Ceremonial smoking used to be a common observ^ance. It added a tone of
sincerity to any communications between people. Strangers were welcomed
with a quiet, friendly smoke, and any matters which required deliberation,
wliether private or public, Were thought over for a time while all were engaged in
smoking. In the town square, when meetings took place, each member of the
town who was present produced his pipe and tobacco while an official of the
Chief society passed around among the lodges furnishing everyone with a light.
Sometimes the official lighted a pipe and passed it around for each man to take
a puff from it. It was believed that if one smoked while deliberating in sin-
cerit}' over a question and, at the same time, entertained malice or insincerity
toward it in his mind he would die. In the same way it was thought that
anyone suspected of mischief or evil intentions could be detected by a challenge
to smoke with the accuser. In fact it was evidently regarded as an oath and
an ordeal to test veracity or guilt. The following, mentioned in one of the
myths, shows the power of tobacco smoke in a case of ^\Tong-doing.

"Now the owner of the house was an evil man. He was Iron Man. Wind
kiaew all about that and he even knew that Iron Man had killed his four sons.
Then Wind decided to kill hun. "WTien he smoked he drew in a great deal of
smoke and blew it oh Iron Man. And that is the way he killed him."

' See page 30. z

100 ANTIIIiOI'or.OdlCAI. ITB. L'XIV. OF I'A. JIUSEUJI, VOL. 1.

The Yuchi take their rest at night in a -very irregular ^vay, getting up at
all hours for the purpose of talking, singing, gambling, or inspecting their
horses, when in camp. Nightly debauchen,' is common ; when intoxicants abound
undisturbed rest is unknown in the camps. No one attempts to remedy these
faults by means of persuasion or force, except the wife of the disturber.
Women have a good deal of power of this sorti and, although seemingly verj^
submissive and passive, their advice is often asked in matters of decision, while
the men are patient in listening to rebukes from them. In public, women must
remain in the background when their men are jjresent. They never engage in
conversation with other men in the presence of their husbands who must be
spokesmen when outside communication is necessarj-.

^ Children in crawling often rest on the hands and on the soles of their feet,
insteail of their knees. In climbing, the men press the soles of the feet to the
bark and hug the tree with the amis, raising both feet for a new grip. Boys of
five or six years and upward are allowed to smoke tobacco as much as they
choose. Women carry children astride the hip. Children spend much
time in building mounds of dirt and playing with sticks and stones in sand
or mud. Little girls have dolls of rags and deerskin which they play with.

Both men and women are, for Indians, decidedly cleanly in personal
habits. Their clothes are kept carefully clean and neat. They frequently
wash. To keep the teeth clean a piece of willow stick is chewed on the end
imtil it is shredded and pulpy. This is chewed and rubbed across the teeth
to remove accretions, while the sap fonns a kind of suds.

Children are seldom punislied for anj^ mischief that they do. They are
never whipped. If, however, it is thought necessary to give them a reminder
in the shape of chastisement, a vessel of water is thrown over them.

It was not very common in the past for a girl to grow up and not be
married, so there were few unmarried women. Such women, however, usually
lived with different men merely as concubiiK>s, staying for a while with one,
then going to live with another.

As far back as can be remembered, it was the custom for men when they met
to shake hands and to offer each other some tobacco.

Old people were not ill treated. On the contrarj', they were respected and
served by their children. It is understood that old men are to be cared for
by their sons the same today as fonnerly.

In regard to the temperament of the Yuchi, it seems that they were, and
are today, inclined to be mild and quiet mannered. They prefer to avoid
quarrels, only when they become suspicious showing a tendency to grow sullen.
I think, on the whole, if there is any value in such a statement at all, that
anyone accustomed to the appearance of Indians in general, would find in the
Yuchi a noticeably open, pleasant, and kind expression of the face.

The Yuchi, like most Indians, are by no means apathetic in temperament.
They exhibit a lively interest in ih^nr surroundings, are fairly quick in grasp-

F. fi. ST-ECK — ETHXOI.OOY OF TIIK YIC'III IXniAXS. 101

ing ideas, and in learning new things. The.v show an interest, too, in the cus-
toms of their neighbors, commenting not a little on what they observe. Like
good gossips, they take good care of their own and their neighbors' private
affairs.

The telling of myths and tales is a favorite idle hour jjastime in the camps.
There do not seem to be any restrictions as to place or time of year, for I have
heard them narrating myths both in summer and winter, day and night. Good
narrators of stories are generally respected and looked up to by the people.
They have a few peculiar mannerisms, making frequent use of pantomimic and
descriptive gestures. Mention of the sun is invariably accompanied by pointing
upward with the index finger. At the beginning of narratives, stereotyped
phrases are commonly used, such as, "In the olden (mythical) times ....",
"The old people tell it . . . . , " "It is said that . . . . " and others similar . Often
the tale starts in abruptly with the mention of the two chief characters , while
the first few sentences point out what is to follow, like a preface. The narrative
is liberally punctuated with the phrase "so they said " which takes the place of
the quotative and also serves as a rhetorical pause period. The narrator always
closes his account with "This is the end," "Now (then)," "Here it ends,"
"This is enough" or similar concluding phrases. Some short statement
entirely irrelevant to the tale itself, but spoken in the same tone and without
much of a break, may be appended, such as, " My name is Joseph, " " I am your
friend," "I am only a young man in wisdom, but I have told what I heard,"
"Give me some tobacco," "It is late," "The day is a bad one." The Yuchi
audience is a quiet one, usually waiting until the end of a story before expressing
comment. They often interrupt, however, with laughter or with "lio ho!", as a
sign of assent.

These Indians have a few exclamatory expressions which are used in
A-arious circumstances. An expression of sudden anger, known also among the
neighboring Creeks, is dyilaH The men give vent to disbelief or contempt of
what another is saying by exclaiming gu! gu'H; the women, by exclaiming in a
high voice, hthx""! A surd sound, tck tck tck,'K a signal to frighten small children
when they are up to mischief. Dogs know this signal too. It stands for
"stop !" Another explosive expression, clU is commonly used to frighten dogs,
but is not for persons. A signal of warning or caution, also common, is
given by hissing between the tongue-tip and the base of the teeth. This means
"be on your guard," "look out," "watch your chance," etc. Dogs are called
by a few sharp inspiratory whistles.

The numeral system in Yuchi is a decimal one. The numbers up to ten do
not yield to analysis. From ten to twenty, however, the expression is, "ten,
one coming on," "ten, two coming on," etc. Twenty is literally "man (or
leg) two ; " thirty-, " man (or leg) three, " etc. One hundred is " finger-nail one, "
and one thousand is nowadays rendered as "finger-nail long one," or "one
hundred long."

102 AXTIlliOPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MXSKL'M, VOL. I.

RELIGION.

Religious Beliefs and Folk-Lore.

In treating other subjects frequent mention has been made, heretofore,
of various rehgious beliefs connected with different phases of life, of the ideas
which the Yuchi hold regarding the supernatural realm, and how they main-
tain their relations with tlie latter by means of rites and ceremonies. An
attempt will now be made to give as many of these beliefs as could be gotten
in order to present as clearly as po.ssible an idea of the religious life of the tribe.

In the earliest mythological time about which anything at all is known,
there existed only a certain realm of water and air called yubahe, 'in the far
heights.' This expanse was Ijoundless and fiat. It was inhabited by beings
who lived in the water and beings who lived in tlie air. Just what their form
was is not known for all, but some of those that are mentioned have animal
names and show animal characteristics, such as Crawfish, Buzzard, Panther,
Spider, etc. In other respects, however, they behaved much like human
beings. That many mythical animals are conceived of as human in form is
indicated by the use of the particle go, 'human,' with their names. Others,
from what We are told, who bore the names of various natural objects had animal
forms too. Among these, for .instance, are Sun, and Moon. It would seem,
apparently, that the interest of the people in the various animals had deter-
mined the form of their deity concepts.

Others who are mentioned only by name may ha\'e been anthropomorphic.
Some of these, for instance, are Sun, Tso, Wind, Wtdd, Old Woman, Wd"hane,
Old Man, Gohaiie, Iron or Metal Man, Gohd"totii, Gydthd', the cardinal
points, the four winds and others who seem not to be unlike ordinary human
beings, both in their ideas and in some of their doings. The supreme deity
idea, however, seems to be centered in Ts5, 'Sun,' who is known, as far
as could be ascertained, under some different names, among them 'The One
■syho is Breath," and 'Makes Indians' being frequent. These beings, some of
them, had wives and children; they gamed, traveled about on the hunt, pro-
created, evidently made war and had gatherings where certain peculiar acts,
which we might call rites, were perfonned. In short, from what we know
of this mythical period of the supernatural beings, their life was much like that
which the Indians lead, except that death was non-existent. There Were
evidently chiefs among these beings who, in a general wa}", might be regarded

' Comparable in sense to the Creek supreme deity and creator, Hisdkidamissi, 'Master
of Breath. '

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI INDIANS. 103

as central figures in mythology, but no one being in particular is mentioned
as such. In one connection Sun is evidently chief, in another Goha"tone,
though the matter is not at all clear.

The social gatherings of these beings should be mentioned again, on account
of the fact that what was done at such times by the supernatural beings was
afterward taught to human beings by Sun, when the present earth and people
were created, and in a way, was dramatized as an act of woreliip by the
Indians. It seems that the beings used to assemble at the Rainlaow, y0a', and
enact various peculiar rites. One of these perfonnances was to scratch the
people on the ami or breast with a certain instrument. This act will be referred
to again subsequently. The beings evidently had dances too upon their Rain-
bow assembly ground.

After a time, it appears that some reason for change took possession of the
supernatural beings. They decided to make another realm, an earth. Accord-
ing to the account. Crawfish dove to the bottom of the waters and brought up
some dirt from which the earth was made and from which it grew to its present
size. The various beings then took part in modifying the fonn of the earth, and
in making improvements on it. Light of tlie proper sort was finally secured,
after various attempts on the part of different beings, as well as darkness of the
right intensity. The beings all seem to have been extremely active and power-
ful at this time, for they did various things to each other which left permanent
marks upon them, which their descendants who still reside upon the earth
retain. For instance, the chipmunk wanted to have night brought upon
the earth, thus angering the panther, who jumped on the chipmunk and
scratched his back. The chipmunk accordingly bears on his back to this day
the marks of the scars he received. This example is taken simply to show a
typical case of animal exploits in what might be termed the genesis period.

The following is a translation of the myth of the origin of the earth :

1. The Origin of the Earth.

"Water covered the face of the earth. Beneath the water they knew there
was land, but they knew of no one who could get it. The flying creatures of
the air were bafHed. But they decided to get something to help them find it.
The swimming creatures in the waters did not believe it could be done, because
they knew the land was too far douii. So they doubted.

Now the Crawfish was the one who claimed that he could find land. He
told them to give him time. He told them to look for him in four days. Then
he went down, and soon the water came up colored with mud. Everyone
knew that before he had started the water had been clear. For four days they
waited; on the fourth daj^ the Crawfish came up. He was nearly dead when
they picked liim up, but in his claws they saw there was some earth. They

104 AXTlIROrOT.OfilCAL PDB. UNIT. OF PA. iirSEl>r, VOL. I.

(■arcfully jiickcil it nut. 'I'licu they inalr it i-nmid like a hall, Imt it Innkcil very
fiiiiall. X)\v one of the iircat birdt^ had long daws, and when that bird
liftoil uj) his leg, th(\v thfew the ball of earth at him. And when it strurk him,
the ball splashed and spread out, l)Ut it was very thin. That is where the
earth was made in the beginning.

Now all the creatures wanted to wa'k on it, but they gave instruetidiis that
no one should wa'k on it yet. For four days it lay thus, growing larger and
larger. Now they wanted to have it le^'el. So thej' called for someone. The
liuzzaril answered and said that he would go over the earth and stretch his
wings. That is the way he would make it level. The Buzzard started, when
they agreed to it. but he had not gone far before he became tired of stretching
his wings so much. He began to flutter and waver a great deal. On accoimt
of this the Buzzard could not level it all. And that is what made the mountain
ridges. Now the earth was made and they occupier! it."

I also give the account of the creation of ligiit and darkness, to fm-nish
iletails for the generalized discussion.

2. Oricjix of Light, Sun, Moon and Stars.

■'Ami evei-ywhere \\as ilarkness. The earth had been made, but there was
no light. The different animals gathered together. They appointed a daj' for
deliberation, to decide who should furnish light for the newly made earth.
The Panther was the first. They appointed liim to give light because he runs
backward and forward in the heavens from one end to the other. They in-
structed him to go east and come back. So he ran to the east and turned,
crossed the heavens and went dowTi in the west. When he had done this and
returned to the gathering he asked if it was all right. They tokl him it was not.
Then thej^ appointed another. They sent the Star (spider). Now they told
the Star to go east and come back. The Star did as he was told. He made a
light in the east but it was too dim. He went west and then came back to the
gathering and asked them if it was all right. Then they told him, ' "No. Yoitr
light is too dim.'" So they appointed another. They appointed the Moon.
Thej"^ told the Moon to go east then come back through the sky and go down in
the west. The Jloon started out as thej' directed. When it was coming back
it made a better light than that made by the Star, but it was not enough. Then
the Moon asked if it Would do. They said it would not. Then they appointed
another. The}- chose the Sun, and told him what to do. When the Sim came
back Westward it gave a good light, and when it went down it was all right.
So tlie Sun was appointed to light the earth, and he gave an everlasting light.

Now when they told him about it, the Chipmimk wanted to liave some
night. He said to them:

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 105

' "If it is daylight all the time, persons could not increase. " ' He said, ' "If
there is night, then people can rest from their work and procreate." '

So he urged in favor of night. They agreed with him in part, because they
saw that what he said was true. And night came in, dividing up the daj-.
Then when it was dark it Was so dark that pereons could not see to travel or to
procreate. And they saw it would nf)t do because creatures would not increase.
So they put the Stars (spiders) and the Moon in with the night to enable people
to see enough for those things, and it was all right. Thus the Chipmunk had
made the night on the strength of his own senses, and they agreed and allowed it
to remain.

When thev said that, the Panther became angry and jumped upon the
Chipmunk and caught him. He caught him by the neck and scratched him on
the back. That is what made the red stripes on the Chipmunk's back, which he
has yet. So the earth A\-as lighted bj' the sun, moon and stars, and night came
in too."

At some time not far removed from this mythical stage, the event of the
creation of man took place. Whether this was during or after the creation of
the earth is not known. At any rate, as explained in the myth, a woman in a
vague way became the mother of a boy, who oi'iginated from a drop of her men-
strual blood. This boy she carried to the Rainbow where the beings were
gathered, and he was scratched by them as was customary. After several excit-
ing events had taken place, which are not well understood, it seems that the
mother was driven away with her bo}'. The inference is that the mother and
son then fell from the sky to the earth-. Henceforth he was called Sun, Tsd, and
became the ancestor of a new race upon the new earth. In this way originated
the human beings who called themselves Tso'yahd, 'Offspring of the Sun.'
Then Sun taught his people certain ceremonies, which were to be performed to
protect them from evil influences, and to honor the supernatural beings of the
realm over the earth. He gave them two plants, j^dde', button snake root
(Eryngium yuccaefolium) and, to icdla, 'red root' (Salix tristis (?) ), which
thej^ were to steep and drink during the ceremony, to purify them. He in-
structed them in the scratching rite, which he had undergone, and instituted the
practice, at the same time, of distributing neW' and sacred fire once a year at the
occasion of the ceremonies, among the tlifferent human households. Sun then
enjoined the people to keep up the dances and rites he had taught them, say-
ing that once a year he would soar through the heavens over them and look
down to see if they were obeying. He contlitioned their prosperity upon their
obedience and left them after giving other instructions regarding ceremonial
details and features of town life. Among other things he showed them how
to make an assembly ground like the one in the sujiernatural world and taught
them how to decorate this to symbolize the Hainbuw. .As there are some details

106 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UMV. OF PA. MUSKUir, VOL. I.

in this assembly grouiid, or town square with its symbolism, which descn'o
attention, it will be taken up later on. The ceremonies which were begun on
earth at this time will be also ilescribed under a special heading.

It should be mentioned here that at certain times. since the origin there
have been born individuals with a verj- tlark shade of skin. These black-
skinnefl Yuchi, as they are termed, are looked ujion as being more closely related
to Sun than the rest of the people. They are said to be his direct offspring,
their mothere having become pregnant by Sun. As no particular rank is given
them, however, their position is a sort of empty aristocracy. Several black-
skmned Yuchi are said to be living today, but I have not been fortimate enough
to see them.

Here are several translations of variants of the origin myth which has just
received comment.

3. The Origin of the Yuchi and the Ceremonies.

" The Sun deity was in her menstrual courses. She went to dip up some
water (up in the sky world). She went do\\ii to the creek. Then some blood
fell on the ground. She looked at the water. When she reached the top of the
hill she set it dowii. She thought that something had happened. She went down
the hill again. A small baby was sitting there. She took it along with her and
kept it. She raised it and it grew. That was an Indian. She took him to the
Rainbow where the others were and he was scratched and it was the ceremony
at the scjuare-ground. In the ancient time he was scratched. The drops of
blood fell and lay on the ground. She placed him on the ground. The drops
of blood were lying on the ground. She put him on the ground. Then she
walked away from the square-ground with him, going toward the east. She
reached the edge of the square. Indians came along following them. The
hghtning struck and frightened them. It drov-e them back. The Sun mother
went on home with the boy. Then he went to sleep. As he grew up he became
lonesome. He had no one to play with; he had no one to look at. He was
lonesome. AVhile he was sleeping and lying there, his mother pulled out one of
his ribs. Wiile he was lying there she took it out. She made a woman out of
it. Then the boy awoke. He saw her. He Was glad now. Then they multi-
plied and increased in numbers.

The Red root {to tcdld) and Button Snake root (f^dde') standing near,
(which had been used when the boy was scratched and made to perform the
ceremony among the sky people) , she told him to use. It was made for that use.
.\nd the Yuchi are using it yet just as he told them. It is here yet. This is
his medicine. Wliile they trj' to keep up the ceremony and use of the medicines
God (wetaiiK') goes with the people. Her son was the child of the Sun, that is
what the Yuchi are named, Children of the Sun.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE TUCHI IXDIAXS. 10~

On that day no trouljle comes to the people when they have taken the
medicines. When the Sun comes up he looks dow-n to see if thej' are doing the
ceremonies. If he comes up high here and sees no Indians performing the
ceremonies on the earth at high noon, he would stop. He would crj'. It woukl
be the end of peacefulness. The Sun would cover his face with his hands and go
down again in the east. Then it would become dark and the end. It has been
declared so. This is M'hat we heard in the past."

4. Origin' of the Yuchi. (Second Version.)

" There was a Sim and there was a Moon. Then the Moon was in her men-
strual courses. When she got up, a drop of the blood fell from her and de-
scended to the earth. The Smi saw it. He secured it and 'WTapped it up, laying
it away thus for four days. On the fourth day he went and got it, and un-
WTapped it. When the bundle was opened, he saw that it had timied into a
human being. Then he said:

' "You are my son. You shall be called Tsoyahd. " ' And he gave him the
name Tsoyahd, Sun people or Offspring of the Sun. From him all the Yuchi
had their origin.

Now his descendants increased until thej- became a powerful people.
They are Weakening now, but if they ever disappear from the earth a terrible
thing will happen. For the Sun said:

' " If the Yuchi perish, I will not face this world. I will turn my face awa\',
and there will be darkness upon the earth, and it will even be the last of the
earth." '

So it will come to pass if all the Yuchi die out. But now there are certain
Yuchi who are knoxwi to be sons of this Sun. Whenever one of them dies the
Sun turns his face away from the earth for a little while. That accounts for the
eclijise. These Yuchi may he kno\\ia by the color of their skin, which is nearly
black. The black-skinned Yuchi are the Sun's sons. There are a few living
now."

In tracing this mythical history of the Yuchi we have now reached the
period when human beings and the other animals seem to have been on close
terms of intimacy on the earth. Everywhere magic was in operation.
Animals often acted in a most offhand manner, from that moment the act
becoming a rule on earth, or the result of the act becoming a natural fixity.
Some specimen accounts will be given later.

A trickster appears among the animal beings by the name of Rabbit.
There are other tricksters too, but Rabbit is the chief figure among them. This
period is thought, roughly speaking, to have directly preceded the present one.
There are many mj-ths relating the deeds of animals and human beings which
are concerned with magic. The details of the magical transformations and

108 AXTiiRoroLOGicAL PUB. uKiv. OF PA. jrusEUM, vor,. I.

exploits of the earthly liciiiRs arc a little tno extensive to iliseiiss here. Iml uill
be found further on under niytholofr.w

To\vard the end of this period, in short, the thinjis of the earth and the
affairs of human beings take on a more modern aspect. Many new things are
originated. Death is brought to man by the disobedience of someone.
Tobacco is originated from human semen. Other Indian tribes are brought
into existence. Fire is secured and distributed among the people by Rabbit,
and various other cultural features of human life, as well as characteristic traits
among animals, are brought into existence. Some representatives of this
class of myths will be given at the end of the discussion of mjihology.

Up to this point we have only attempted to deal with the beliefs cf)ncerned
with the supernatural beings, and with the native concepts of origin and trans-
formation. Some of the beliefs in connection with customs and rites will now be
taken up. It has already been stated, under customs, that the newly born child
is believed to be the reincarnation of its predecessors. And it was sho^\^l, at the
same time, that the reincarnated spirits revived in the children the qualities
which they possessed during their lives. The abode of the spirits of the dead is
in the sky world or the supernatural world. The path to this lies over the rain-
bow, and the direction to be traveled is eastward. When the soul has passed the
obstacle of the swaying cloud, which is likely to crush the journeying soul and
destroy it, it joins with the other spirits and supernatural beings inhabiting
this realm. One of the supernatural beings, Wd"hane, Old Woman, has charge
over the souls here and in some way is thought to control re-birth and the return
of souls to earth. There is mention in one of the mj'ths of some men who
traveled to Old Woman and at last succeeded in obtaining the souls of their dead
wives, returning to earth with them. It has also been shown how the different
individuals of the clans inherited thy protection of their clan totems, when they
passed the initiation rites, thenceforth retaining these as protectore through
life. As the members of clans are considered to be the descendants of their
totemic animal, they are in a sense the cousins, as it might be expressed, of the
earthly animals who are also descendants of the supernatural animals. The
clan taboos and incidental beliefs need not be repeated again here as they have
been mentioned in dealing with customs and the clans. But the animals of the
earth, in general, are considered as thinking beings, with interests in life,
customs and feelings not unlike those of men. Even todaj^ these mutual
elements in the lives of men and animals are felt to exist. But naturally in
the mythical age the two were more nearly on the same level than now. For,
they say, it is very seldom nowada3'S that men and animals can converse
together. A few random tales referring to such instances of recent intercommu-
nication, however, are as follows.

An old and decrepit Indian told the story. He was complaining about his
infirmities, s(jueaking voice, and shrunken form. He said, "I was going

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 109

along on my pony late in the afternoon. Pretty soon I came to what was hke a
large rock. I heard a voice from somewhere say, " 'It smells just as though there
was an old woman riding around here. ' " I looked up and saw a big rattlesnake
sitting on the rock, coiled. His neck was as thick as a man's neck. He was
looking right at 7ne."

An outlaw, who was hiding from the vengeance of the relatives of the
man wliom he had murdered, became very hungry. He rode up to a house and
was going to ask for food. First he crept through a cornfield near the cabin, to
see if the way was safe. While lying between the furrows there, he heard two
hens talking. They were casting glances at him. He listened to what they
were saying. They chuckled a little, then one said, "Isn't that the fellow who is
scouting around here for having killed somebody?" The outlaw got out.

The animals are all believed to have their protecting supernatural kins-
men as well as men, for that reason in hunting them their protecting spirits
have to be overcome before one can hope to bring them down. It is the same
with human beings. If one's guardian spirit is all right no harm can come.
So in warfare, the idea is to strengthen one's own guardian kinsman spirit and
to weaken the enemy's. In this respect hunting and fishing are much like war-
fare. The magic songs and fonnulas fight the supernatural struggle and open
the way, while the actual weapons do the work when the spiritual barriers are
removed.

As regards the objects in nature in general which surround them, the Yuchi
have the usual animistic concepts so characteristic of the beliefs of nearly all
primitive people. Inanimate objects, and even abstract ideas such as cardinal
points and various feelings and deeds, are the abodes of agencies which we may
call spirits. These may be cither favorable or unfavorable to men, their in-
fluence being believed to be largely controlled by man's personal conduct in the
observance of taboos and in the performance of the rituals and ceremonies.
I'lant spirits are highly powerful and important, according to the ideas of an
agricultural people like this, and We shall find them to be quite prominent
objects of worship in the ceremonies.

The sacred number standing out prominently in religious matters will be
seen to be the numljer four. Five appeare less freciuently.

Folklore. — Here are a few miscellaneous behefs which were recorded in
regard to the natural, supernatural, and animal world. They are given about
as they were told by the Indians.

"If a terrapin in his travels walks around a big tree it is a very bad thing
for him. He will dry up. That's why they never do it."

"The thunder or rain kills snakes. When a stonn comes up they must all
go back into the ground. If they do not, they will be killed. So if they are
killing a calf (sic !) or anything, they must leave it as soon as it begins to thunder
or rain."

IIU ANTHROPOLOGICAL PDB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSECJI, VOL. I.

"When wild turkeys gobble the lightning bugs come up out of their crops.
They are like little white things (maggots) before they come out."

The stars are all spiders.

Regarding the eclipse they say: — "The toad starts to eat up the moon.
Then he gets big. Tlie moon diminishes. But ^\■e frighten him away and after
that the moon recovers and gets big."

One informant stated that thunder and lightning are caused by a great
black snake with rattles on its tail. A being named Ko'^sd no"wl', the meaning
( if which is uncertain, rides on its back. The snake dives in and out of the Water.
At each flash of its wet sides there is lightning and when it rattles there is
thunder.

"There was a big water vessel in the sky. Someone jerked it and spilled
the water over its edge. That is what made the rain."

"Someone (a supernatural agency) in the north was trj-ing to do something.
He put some com meal into a sifting basket and sprinkled it through, ^^^len
this falls upon this earth it is snow."

"When the rainbow stretches across the sky the rain is prevented fi-om fall-
ing through. This stops the rain and brings dry weather."

Wien threatened with a drought they believe that the people could cause
rain to fall if they made medicine and took an emetic.

Earthc[uakes are believed to be caused by a being who lives in the bowels
of the earth. He sometimes shakes and jerks the earth to find out how much
Mater there remains on it.

Twins and defonncd or al.)Uormal children are Ijelieved to be sent directly
by the supernatural beings to be guides to the people. They were never killed
but were treated with care and raised for the public good. It is also said that
when twins arc born in the town it is a sign from the supernatural beings that
they want to see the people impro^•e in the performance of their religious rites.

Little people like dwarfs are believed to inhabit certain places in the dense
woods. They are the souls of bad people who die, and they possess the power
of killing those who either accidentally or deliberately intrude upon their haunts.

When a man sneezes, the belief is that his beloved is thinking about him.
Likewise when a Woman sneezes it is a sign that her lover is thinking about her.

Warts on the skin, or moles, indicate that there is too much blood or bad
blood in the body. A person having them is said to need scratching until the
blood flows. Moles come from bad food, too.

"Wien the coyotes or wolves howl it is a sign that snow or rain is coming.
They can feel when a storm is approaching, and because they don't like it they
start howling."

A certain kind of fish called "drumfish" is believed to have two stones in
the back of its head, with which it makes a thumping noise frequently heard
coming from the water when everji/hing is quiet.

f. g. speck — ethnology of the yuchi indians. ill

The Symbolism of the Town Square.

Wc shall now return again to the subject of the town square because the
religious ceremonies to be described in the following pages are inseparably
connected with it.

The public square-ground, where all civil and religious events of the to\vn take
place, has a symbolical significance which is quite important, and comparable
in some respects to the altars and shrines of the southwestern and plains tribes.

In its ceremonial aspect the town square is sjanbolically a rainbow. For,
according to the myth of the origin of the Yuchi and their cult, as alreadj-
given, the mother of the Sun took him to the ceremony of the upper world where
he was scratched. This took place on the Rainbow, ytl^a', so the present
square-ground is called 'yii^d',' 'rainbow.'

The officials at the ceremonies are hence called yu^ahobdie", 'rainbow
or square-gromid Chief ' and yfAihosa^'ba, ' rainbow or square-ground Warrior.'
The square might well be termed a rainbow shrine. Another name for the
square is scV'sd"', ' thoroughly beautiful ' or 'good all over.'

While investigations were being made in regard to the square-ground, the
assistant of the town chief brought in a colored representation of it showing
how the square looked when it was formally an-anged for the ceremonies. This
sketch is reproduced in Plate XI. The explanation of the colors is as follows :
The whole figure represents the rainbow. The browai square represents the
earth. The fire in the center typifies the sun and is painted red. The ashes
are represented by yellow. The three yellow lines are paths to the north, west
and south lodges respectively, are likewise composed of ashes scattered by the
four yatcigl' after the new fire has been started on the first day of the rites.
This feature is now obsolete. The logs of the new fire are green, sjmbolizing
vegetation. The brush roofs of the lodges are also green.

It will be noticed that the Warrior lodges, north and south side, have their
uprights and beams colored red. This color symbolizes the Warrior class and
war which they represent. The custom of coloring the posts is also now ob-
solete. The Chief lodge lacks this coloring. As will be seen in the photo-
graphs of the ceremonies (Plate XII, et seq.), a white face is given to these
upright posts in modern times, by peeling off part of the outer bark and expos-
ing the white inner surface. White is symbolical of peace.

The serpent figure lying before the north Warrior lodge is the dato^d', a
supernatural horned serpent , and the object of veneration in the Ddto^d' ctl,
now called Big Turtle Dance. This stuffed deerskin effigy was colored blue,
with two yellow horns on its head. It rested in fonner times before the north
Warrior lodge where the two Warrior officials, gocotie and yu^dhosd^'ba, sat with
their feet upon it, but its use has been abandoned.

Something should be said here of the other meaning of the word yi'fid'.
Besides meaning rainbow, it stands for ' big house.' This we find to be the

113 AXTIIUOrOLOCilCAI. I'lli. LXIV. OK TA. JirSEt'M, VOL. 1.

name given by the m ii;lil)orinfi' Civck Imliaiis to tlu ir town st|uare (djdgo lakko,
big house)-'

If anj- credence is to be given to tlie statements of the Yuchi in this matter,
the Creeks borrowed nearly the whole of the annual ceremonies of the Yuchi
when they overran the Southeast, subduing and incorporating the latter. The
modern Creeks, however, although recognizing the general similarity between
their ceremonies and those of the Yuchi, elo not subscribe to this opinion but
claim an independent supernatural source for them.

CEHKMe).\IES.

The ceremonies, which according to trailition originated in the other world
and were taught to the first Indians by Sun. consist of various religious rites
performed in public by all the men of the towai once a year. The rites include
dancing, fasting, the observance of certain taboos, the kindling of a new and
sacred fire, the scarification of men, the taking of an emetic and the perform-
ance of the ball game. The ceremony as a whole was called, Vii^dhe' , 'In the
rainbow, ' or 'In the big house. ' The time for these ceremonies is determined
by the state of maturity of the corn cro]i. They are begun so as to coincide
with its first ripening, usually about the middle or early part of July. It
would seem from this that the importance of agriculture as a feature of life
had determined the time for the town's discharge of its religious obligations.
As far as is possible the time is also arranged so as to fall upon nights when
the moon is full. This matter rests entirely in the hands of the town chief.
He distriljutes bundles of tally sticks, one to be thrown away each day (Fig.
37), to the heads of familits.

Dances. — The special dances, ctl, performetl by the Yuchi are cjuite niune-
rous. A fairly large number are primarily clan dances, having for their object
the placation of clan totems. The dancers imitate the motions of the totemic
animal with their Ixxlics and arms. The steps, however, are not subject to
much variation. The dancer inclines his body forward, gesticulating with his
arms according to the occasion, and raises first one foot then the other slightly
above the ground, bringing them down flat at each step with vigor. In this
way the dancers in single file circle contra-clockwise about the fire in the center
of the square. The whole is done in a sort of run, the acoustic effect being a
regularly timed stamping sound. The dances are accomijanied by singing on
the part of all the men dancing, and bjMnusical instruments of several different
varieties, namely, terrapin shell rattles (PI. VII), drum (Fig. 32) and hand
rattle (PI. VII). Both the music and the instruments have been briefiy de-
scribed before. A feM' other ceremonial paraphernalia used particularly in

' Cf. the Creek Lidians of Taskigi Town, Speck, in Memoirs of .American Anthro-
pological Association, Vol.11, part 2, p. 112.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 113

thf (hiiiccs will bp (loscril)c(l soon. As a rule all men may take part, in any
dance. But in most of the dances only certain women are admitted from the
beginning and they are provided with the bunch of ten-apin shell rattles,
tsontd, (PI. VII) which are fastened to their legs. During the last half of the
dance, however, the exclusive feeling leaves, and women, children and even
strangers may join in. It is understood, though, that when a certain dance is
lieing performed, for instance the Tortoise dance, the members of that clan are
in the position of hosts to the others, taking pride in having them dance the
dance to their totem.

The dance songs consist chiefly in the repetition of meaningless syllables
or groups of syllables. A great deal of magic potency is believed to rest in
mere words and biu-dens. Sometimes, however, an intelligible stanza or
sentence appears having some vague reference to the object of the dance, or
simply naming it. The feeling of the dancers seems to be that they are for the
time in the actual form of the totem, and they carry out in quite a realistic way
the effect of the imitation entirely by their motions and behavior. No imitative
costumes nor masks are used now, nor could it be ascertained whether they
ever existed. They imitate very well, however, the cries of the animals which
are being dramatized.

Besides those dances which are functionally clan dances, there are otheis
which are addressed, as a form of worship and placation, to various animals
which furnish their flesh or parts for the use of man. Then there are also others
which are directed to the spirits of animals which have the power of inflicting
sickness, trouble or death upon the people. These are imitative, similar in
general appearance to those already described. The spirits dominating certain
inanimate objects are invoked in others.

Lastly, we find a miscellaneous few which are claimed to be chiefly danced
for pleasure. There has no doubt been considerable borrowing going on among
the Indians and local interpretations may have been given to various dances
different from their original ones.

Most of the dances are performed at night, thus filling in the time of the
ceremonies with constant activity.

A list of these special dances, and the instruments used in them, is here
given.

Dance. Musical Instrument.

Ba'la' cti Horse dance Rattle, driun.

Wedlne'^ cti Cow " ?

Wedlugd cti Buffalo " Rattle, drum.

Ddio^d' Turtle " Rattle.

Cil cpd cti Pike " Rattle, drimi.

Cii dpd cti Catfish " Rattle, drum.

Spa^st' cti tjuail " Rattle.

Hi AXTHROrOLOGICAL PCB. VXIV. OF PA. MCSErM, VOL. I.

D;iiu-p. Musical Instrument.

WetcV dl Turkey daiicr ?

Kyd"' ctt Owl " Rattle.

Va"/?' ctl Buzzard " Rattle, drum.

Weic^d' ctl Chicken " Rattle, drum.

Cane' ctl Duck " Rattle, drum.

S^old"" ctl Lizard " Rattle.

Wetsakou'A"' ctl Opossuni " ?

DjaitA."' ctl Raccoon " Rattle, drum.

Yusa"' ctl Skunk " ?

Ydt^a' ctl Gun " Firearms.

Gocpl' ctl Negro " ?

Ycu:6, ctl. . ' Leaf " Rattle.

lakd ctl Feather or Corn dance Two rattles.

Tsebe" bene ctl Crazy or Drunken dance ... Rattle.

Yo\td ctl Shawnee dance Drum.

Fasting and Taboos. — Fasting and the observance of certain taboos are
special features of the annual ceremon}-. From the beginning of the event no
salt is to be used bj- anyone. Sexual communication is also tabooed. A general
fast must be kept by all the men for twelve hours before taking the emetic, that
their systems may be the more receptive to purging. During the second day of
the ceremony the men may not leave the toMi square, nor are they pennitted to
sleep or lean their backs against any support when tired. For the purpose of
enforcing this the four young initiates are provided with poles to strike ofTenders
with. On the second day also no women, dogs or strangers may step over the
edge into the square, the women and dogs under pain of being struck by the
initiates and strangers under pain of being staked out naked in its middle.
The thoughts of the people, too, are expected to be turned toward supernatural
things in order to please the various spirits.

New Fire Rite. — ^The new fire rite performed at sunrise of the second
day, is symbolic of a new period of life for the tribe. As far as could be
learned, the fires of the various household hearths are not extinguished as
among the Creeks, since the kindling of the new fire by the town chief is
sjanbolical of this and suffices for all. The ceremonial method of starting
this fire Was explained before, so it need not be repeated. The logs in the
center of the square-ground were ignited from the fire started in the punk and
kept burning until the ceremony is over, by the proper official. The firemak-
ing implements were kept in a bag which hung during the ceremony, along
with the rattles when not in use, on the middle post at the front of the town
chief's lodge, just over where he sat.

r. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 115

Scarification. — ^The next rite to be performed in public after the kindling
of the fire is the scarification of the males. Every male in the town is
expected to come l^efore two pots of steeped medicinal plants, the fdde',
button snake root, and to tcald, red root, and be scratched by a certain official
on the arm or breast, allowing the blood to flow and drop upon the square-
ground. There is an analogy between this earthly human ceremony and that
enacted by the beings of the sky world. In the same way that Sun was taken
to the rainbow and scratched till his blood fell upon the ground, do the Yuchi
bring themselves and their male children to have their blood drawn. It seems
to be regarded as a form of torture and induration to pain. The falling of
their blood upon the square-ground is symbolical of the falling of the mother-
of-Sun's blood upon the ground, from which the first Yuchi was created. There
is another side to this scratching ceremonj'. It is also a purgative. The
instrument used in it consists of a quill fastened to a piece of the leaf of fdde',
one of the sacred plants, set with six pins, or, as was formerly done, A\'ith gar-
fish teeth (Fig. 40). This scratcher is dipped in a pot containing a brew
of the sacred plants before each male is scratched. Thus he is inoculated
with the sacred plant juices and his blood is purified by them against
sickness.

The Emetic. — ^The next and perhaps the most important rite of the occa-
sion is the taking of an emetic by all the males of the toWTi. This practice
was also instituted by Sun. He gave the people two plants, fdde' and to tcald,
as is recorded in the myth, and showed them how to steep them in water. He
instructed them to drink the concoction to purify their bodies against sickness
during the ensuing inter-ceremonial year. It is thought, in particular, that
to eat the first corn of the season without having taken the emetic would cer-
tainly result in sickness inflicted by the unappeased deities. The town chief
has charge of the preparation of the emetic, aided by the four boy initiates.
The pots containing the concoction are of a special form with a decoration
on the rim representing the sun (Fig. 31, No. 21). These pots stand during the
ceremony, east of the fire near the center of the square (see diagram, Fig. 38).
When the sun is about at the zenith those who are highest in rank came
forward, facing the east, and drink quantities of the medicine. They are
followed b}' the rest lower in rank and so on. Four at a time are allowed to
drink. Then all await the effects quietly in their proper places in the lodges.
The proper moment arriving, they proceed to a space near the square and
allow the emetic to have its full effect. The rite is repeated several times.
After this all the townsmen go to water, wash off their paint and return to
their places about the square.

The ceremony of the emetic is concluded with a feast of the first corn and
smoking. After this the ball game is played with betting. This event has
been described under the heading of games. Dancing again fills in the in-

IIG AXTUUOPOLOGICAL I'Lli. LXIV. VV I'A. .MlSEUir, VOL. I.

terveniug time until another nmnd "f tlic iiicdifinc drinking was perfornit'd.
The ceremonies were then concluded.

Possibly the main object of the annual festival is the jilacation of every
possible animus. Obedience to the conmiands of Smi was also highly con-
sidered as a matter of importance. Other objects of the ceremonies are, as
explauicd, to turn the public attention to spiritual affairs for a time, away
from everyday pursuits. All the potentially malicious spirits and animal,
fish and vegetable spirits are propitiated or thanked as the case might be.
And all personal grievances among townsmen are declared cancelled after the
emetic had been taken. They furthermore state that the scratching and
the emetic teach the men to inure themselves to pain and discomfort. Both
rites were practiced before going to war.

Captives were, it is said, sometimes burnt to death as sacrifices to the
supernatural brings during the ceremonies. In recent times a stake was
erected in the southeast corner of the square at the beginning of the event,
to represent the place where captives were thus treated. After the emetic is
over this stake is thrown down.

The foregomg account is a very general one. A more detailed account
of the ceremonial performances as witnessed b}' me several times will now be
given. They were performed at the Sand Creek settlement, where there is a
square-ground, in July, 1904, and July, 1905. The photographs were made
during the 1905 celebration. There is some difference in detail between the
ceremonies of Sand Creek town and Polecat town. The one here recorded is
entirely that of Sand Creek town, which has since discontinued its celebration
on account of disorder and violence among the young men, due to intoxica-
tion.' A few features of the Polecat celebration which are based on description,
will also be given as they seem to have been left off by the other settlement.
It may frequently be necessary to repeat something that has already been
mentioned, but this is done intentionally in order to give the details of the
particular case and make the account of the actual occurrences more uniform.

The Axxual Town Ceremonie.s.

The following account of the annual ceremony of the Sand Creek Yuclii
is based upon notes made at the time, and upon incidental info nnat ion derived
from participants. It deals chieflj' with the 1905 celebration although there
was no appreciable difference between that of 1904 and the event of 1905.

The Preliminary Day. — ^According to the evidences of maturity ob-
servable in the corn in the neighboring fields, and the approaching phase of the
moon, the towii chief or head priest (Jim Brown) appointed and amiounced,

' In 1908, on my last visit, I learned that the chiefs had decided to continue the
ceremonies as usual.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCIII INDIANS. 117

to the townspeople scattered thnivighdut the ueighlxiriufi' district, a day of
general assembly, at which small bundles of sticks about two inches in length
(Fig. 37) were distributed to the heads of families. The number of sticks in the
bundles indicated the number of days that should pass before the ceremonies
would take place. The day had already been decided upon by the chief and Was
announced at this preliminary meeting. A stick was thrown away each morn-
ing thereafter until but one remained, and that was the day of the next assembly
at the public square. Dancing took place at this meeting to give a little practice
to the men, as they said. Arrangements Were also made for the repair of the
lodges, and the obtaining of the beef for the barbecue which was to close the
event. In other words, this meeting was purely preparatory. All the top
earth was carefully taken from the square and placed in a heap behind the
north lodge.

Wlien the day arrived for the formal celebration to connnence, the Yuchi
took care to be on hand before nightfall at the public square, which was situated
in a pei-manent locality near Scull Creek, where a beautiful spring of clear water
flowed from a side hill. The ceremony this time was to last three days and

Tally Sticks.

to include the following ritualistic events. The first day was to be a general
gathering, with the commencement of the fast and dancing all through the first
half of that night. On the second day, the new fire ceremony was to take place
after sunrise, followed by the preparation of the medicines, the scarification,
the taking of the emetic, the breaking the fast, and the ceremonial ball game.
The ensuing night Was to be given up to all-night dancing. On the third
day, the people were to disband for a while and retiirn again, after a rest, for
several subsequent days of minor observances. This was the plan given out
for the carrying on of the celebration.

7^ explanatory diagram of the square-ground sho'wing some of the things
mentioned in the following description is given (Fig. 38) and will be frequently
referred to in the account. The date of the 1904 ceremony was July 17; that
of 1905 was a few days later in the same month.

First Day. — About one hundred Yuchi having arrived, upon the day set
aside in the preliminary gathering, at the camping ground surrounding the
public square, friendly intercourse was held among the to\\Tisfolk, and sump-
tuous preparations were made for the evening meal, after which no food could
be eaten by adults until the ceremony of taking the emetic was over.

118

AXTHROrOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. MUSEUM. VOI.. I.

Befiirc (lark the four ydtcigV went out in piugle file toward the woods
east to secure the four logs for the new fire, to be started the next morning,
and also to dig the two medicine roots. Pads' and to tcald, and to secrete them
where they could be readily found when they were to be brought in. Before
appearing at the camp on their return, they whooped four times to apprise
the town of the commencement of the ceremony and the fast. This whooping
caused quite a little commotion among the people. Their manner changed

=EF

c'

^# ropi

<^

\r \

B

OO

p;-e-> N

for OoTVCS

Fiir. 3S. Yiichi .Siiuure-Ground During Ceremony.

A. ('lii'.'t"s Lodge.
B

C. ^Varrio^s' Lodge.
1). Place Where Turtle Dance Begins.

E. Steer Flesh on Scaffold.

F. Fire Place.

f!'. Pots of Medicine Befori t'l'iemony of Emetic.
G-. Pots During Ceremony of Scratching and Emetic

Town Chief's Seat.

Drum.

Stake at S.E. Corner.

Pile of Wood for Fire.

and it seemed as though they were under constraint. The spirits of the summer
ceremonial were then supposed to be watching them for infringements of the
taboos. Salt and the other things spoken of before were tabooed from this
time until the end of the celebration. The four logs were then deposited
in the west lodge, where the Chiefs and their paraphernalia reposed.

At about ten o'clock in the evening, the moon being at the first
quarter and over the West lodge, the to'mi chief's assistant, who will here-

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 119

after be called second chief , and the gocone or master of ceremonies from the
Warrior Society, called in a loud voice to the town to come to dance. Mean-
while the gocone had started a fire of fagots in the center of the square,
where the fire is always made (see diagram. Fig. 38). When the lodges were
filled with the townsmen, the Daio^d' or Big Turtle Dance was begun.

The Big Turtle D.\nce. — In loose order, the leader having a hand rattle
in his right hand, the dancers grouped themselves in the southeast corner of
the square. (See diagram.) All fonned in a compact mass and the leader in the
center began moving in a circle, rattling and shouting 'hd! ho!' The dancers
kept in close ranks behind him echoing his shouts. After about five minutes
of this, the leader started toward the fire and the dancers all held hands. A
woman having the turtle shell rattles on her legs came from the northwest
comer and took her place behind the leader holding hands with him. In single
file the latter led them around the fire, sunwise. In 1905 there Were two of these
women. When the men whooped they were joined by two more, when they
whooped again the women left the line. After circling a number of times the
leader stopped, stamped and whooped and the ranks broke up, the dancers
dispersing to their various lodges about the square. The first song was thus
finished. After a short interval a leader stepped toward the fire and circling
it alone started the second song and was soon joined by other dancers. Two
or more women having the shell rattles on their legs took part. During the
course of the next few songs the leader took the line to each of the four comers
of the square, led them around in a circle and then back to the fire. No dram-
ming accompanied this dance. Women joined in as well as children and
strangers. This dance was continued for about two hours, at intervals, and
was the only one danced on this night. (See Plate XIP.)

During the process of this dance, and in all the others too, the gocoiii
exhorted the dancers to their best by shouting out encouragement, and with
his long staff went about to secure song leaders during the intervals of rest.
The Thunder was frequently invoked this night by the goconS with cries of
Ptctanh.'"! PictanK'"'! "Thunder! Thunder!"

At about midnight when things had quieted down a little, the town chief
rose from his seat near the center of the west lodge, and silence was rendered
him as he began a speech lasting about fifteen minutes. In this he referred to
their ancestors who handed the ceremonies down to them; to the deities who
taught them; to the obligations of the present generation to maintain them.
He complimented the dancers, referred to the rites of the next day and called

> When the first flashlight (PI. XII, 2) was discharged in making these exposures
some of the dancers stopped and some went right on, but they seemed greatly startled
and for a moment blinded. Several chiefs then came over and expressed their displeasure.
They called it "lightning. " I explained that no harm was meant and finally got their
consent to make another (PI. XII, 1) somewhat nearer.

130

axtiii;oi'oi.(k;i(_'ai. pub. univ. of i>a. McsErji, voi.. i.

for the assent and coo]K"ration of his town. The men then shouted 7;o7 /;d.''
the sign of approbation. The town chief conchided with an appeal for good
behavior and reverence during the celebration, exhorting them when the
i'vent was over to go to their homes in peace and to a\-oid getting into trouble
or disputes with anyone. Then all dispersed for the purpose of sleep or
carousing.

Second Day. — Before sunrise of the second day the town chief took
his seat in the West lodge. Now the four yaicigV passed off toward the east to
bring in the medicine plants. During their absence the towii chief was prepar-
ing the flints and steel for the new fire. The return of the yatcigV was announced
by a sei-ics of whoops {'hdyo! h&yo!') and they came in with the plants, deposit-
ing them in tiic west lodge.

NEW FIRE RITE.

The fireplace had been swept clean and covered \\ith sand. The yataigt'
now walked sunwise around the spot three times, then stopped, each one
standing at one of the cardinal points. They deposited the four
logs with their ends pointing toward the cardinal points thus
— !— , then retired to the west lodge behind the towii chief. He
'A as now preparing pmik and fire materials, having taken them from
his bag suspended from the post near his head. He struck the fire
into a tray of bark filled with dried pith, in the manner described
elsewhere. (See Plate XHI, 1.) When the spark had sprimg into a
flame the yatcigi' took the tray, and ignited sticks between the logs
and thus the new fire for the new year was started. They con-
cluded by walking four times around it.^ During this time at
intervals a few taps were givenon the water-drum.

In the meantime a post had been erected in the southeast
corner of the square as a sign that women, dogs and aliens, also
those who have eaten corn that season or tasted food since the
previous evening. Were prohibited from the square under penalty
of violence at the hands of the yatcigV. It is also said that in M-ar
times captives were bound to this stake when they were to be burned
to death. ^

- At this time in the cognate Creek and Cherokee ceremony, each family swept its
hearth and started a new fire from the public embers, but the Yuchi symbolized this for the
whole town by their public new fire. (19th Report Bureau American Ethnologj', p. 402;
Cherokee Myths, Mooney; Gatschet, Creek Migration Leg., Vol. II, p. 189 for Kasixta
town; Speck, Creek Indians of Taskigi Town, p. 142 for Taskigi town.)

' Also noticed by Bartram among Creeks (cf. Bartram's Travels, p. 5IS), but in that
case there were four stakes, one at each corner of the square.

F. G. SPECK — ETHXOLOGY OF THE YUCIII INDIANS.

121

TIk' medicine plants, red root, to tcald, and button-snake root, j^dde', were
now brought by the ydtcigV, who walked around the fire with them five times,
and then lay them lengthwise, with roots to the east and foliage to the west,
in a space about fifteen feet east of the fire, where a halved log was laid on
which to crush them. Two crocks, formerly pots of a high shape, were brought
full of water and stood in front of the medicines. Kneeling before the pots the
ydtcigV pomaded up the roots and stems with pounders about fourteen inches
long, made from peeled branches (Fig. 39). (See Plate XIII, 2.) The crushed
roots were then put in the crocks while the stems were thrown behind the
north lodge, with the pounders, upon the heap of sacred debris there.

Fig. 40. Scratcher,

SCARIFICATION RITE.

The implement used in the scratching oj)eration which now followed was
made by the town chief of a leaf of j^&de' and a shaved turkey quill, having
six pins fastened with their points projecting through it. (Fig. 40).

The town chief then scratched the scratching official, goiidvie or yatsd,
on the right ami after some of the j^dde' had been rubbed over it. The operator
held the victim by the wrist, and tore his arm almost from elbow to wrist
with the six-pointed instrument to the depth of one-eighth of an inch at least.
No evidence of pain was manifested by anyone. The scratcher then per-
formed the operation on the town chief. The Chiefs then had their turn,
followed by the Warriors. (See Plate XIV.) Small male children were
then brought up l^y their fathers and scratched on the arms, having also

123 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. MUSELM, VOL. 1.

some of the medicine rubbed on their mouths. The young men came next,
then the older, until all had been tortured but the iourydtcigi', who were the
last. Frequent exhortations were given bj' the second chief to hurry along
the tardy ones. Only males Were scratched. Tobacco was distributed at
tliis time among the occupants of the lodges by the town chief.

It has been customary in alternate VTars to do the scratching on tlie
arm and breast, although both in 1904 and 1905 it was done on the arm.

The ydtcigV were constantly on the lookout for any man leaning against
a post or tree. This is a forbidden indulgence, and they chastise every
offender with their staffs. Anyone dropping off to sleep would be equally
treated to a blow.

While the scarificatiou was going on the two ka'kd, 'white man,' butchers,
had barbecued the steer which was left on a scaffold at the rear of th(^
west lodge behind the chiefs. (See diagram of square.) The meat was then
distributed by the ka'ka' among the different families. With their long
staffs they frequently went the rounds of the camp annomicing to the women
the progress of the rites, and seeing that they were prejjaring the food for
the feast which was to follow the taking of the emetic. Consequently, the
women were seen to brmg to the border of the square, bowls of stewed meat,
bread, boiled corn, coffee and other viands which were then picked up by the
men and left on the scaffold with the carcass of the steer, until the ceremony
of the emetic should be over. This handling of the food was a severe test to
the hiuigry men. Sometimes it Was necessary for the second chief to hurry
up the bringing of the food by crying from the eastern edge of the square,
whence all signals were given to the camp. The yatcigl' stood nearby ever
ready to strike anyone fomid violating a taboo, with their poles. Dogs
were frequently chased and belabored when in their roamings they crossed the
edge of the square. Several men had to be treated to reminding blows b}-
these young men as they forgot themselves and fell into a doze.

THE RITE OF THE EMETIC.

Now that the smi was about at the zenith and tlie medicines had been
steeping in the sun long enough, it was time for the men to take the emetic
in accordance with the instructions of the mythical Sun deity who declared
that, as long as he rose from the east and beheld his people taking the sacred
emetic, he would continue their tribal existence.

The first to take the emetic were the toMii chief and the three other square-
ground Chiefs. (See Plate XV, 1.) They were followed by the four square-
ground Warriors. Then four more Chiefs and four more Warriors took theii-s.
They dipped up the medicine with cups, two dipping from each pot. They
always walked around the north side of the fire in approaching the pots. Nearly

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 133

a quart was drunk by each iiulividual. After the first drink the men returned
to their respective lodges of rank, and the four Chiefs led again for a second
drink in the same order as before. The town chief after this started toward
the open space north of the square followed by the rest of the townsmen from
the square, and there in the field copious quantities of the medicine Were
tlirown up aided by fingers or weeds. (See Plate XV, 2, alsO diagram of square.)

After a short interval, when all had taken their places in the square again,
the emetic was taken by the four yatcigi' in the same manner as their predeces-
sors. When they had fuiished great relief was manifest throughout the camp,
as the ordeal was practically over, and everything so far had gone on all right.

The second chief then led all the men in single file eastward toward the
running water, where their paint was washed off and their hands also cleansed.
The town chief, however, kept his place at the square, and on the forelog of the
west arbor put four ears of green com. When the procession from the creek
returned, all passed before these ears and rubbed their hands over them and
then over their faces. All then seated themselves in the proper lodges. Some
cobs of last year's corn were thrown in the fire as incense, the act symbolizing
the passing out of use of the old crop.

Tobacco was then passed around and they smoked. The town chief
made a short speech relative to their fidelity, to the ritual and the successful
termination of the ceremonies. He invited them to take their fill of food and
reminded them of the forgiveness due to petty offenders during the past
season. Hearty approbation was manifested toward his remarks. When he
took his seat and a few moments were passed in general deliberation, the food
was distributed among those in the lodges and general feasting ensued.

The post at the southeast comer of the square was then taken doMii in
attestation of the close of the taboo against aliens on the public square.

After eating, the next duty was to proceed to the nearest timber, where
every man secured a branch of wood which he carried to a pile near the square.
As he threw down his contribution, each gave a loud shout. This wood was
destined for consumption that night when the dances were to be performed.
The duties of the ceremonial officers were now over.

Now that the ceremony was over for the time, the participants dispersed to
their respective camps and enjoyed a period of social intercourse and rest.
After some hours of rest a ball game was arranged by the elders for the
young boys, for the purpose of giving them practice. By the middle of the
afternoon, sides were chosen among the young men for the more serious
game, which W^as played for several hours. Captains for the opposite sides
were picked from among the best playere. A ceremonial sentiment under-
laid the game, as no betting was indulged in this time.

By evening, when all had partaken of food and gotten a little rest, the fire
was replenished and men and women assembled in the lodges as on the preced-

12-4 AXTUUOl'OI.OIilCAl. I'L'B. LNIV. OF I'A. IIUSELM, VOL. 1.

iiig night. The dancing was to continii(> all night, and a great number of the
dances were to be celebrated. The general spirit of the gathering had then
lost its severity and restraint. Laxity prcvaik^d in eveiy respect, together
with some debaucheiy and licensed inimoralitj' which were treated with re-
markable toleration b}' parents and elders.

On this, the second night, about six of the before-mentioned dances Were
performed. Although the general characteristics and functions of the dances
have been described in the last chapter, a few of the peculiarities will be given
again according to the actual cases as observed on both ceremonial occasions.

All of the Yuchi dances were this night performed around the fire in the
center of the square. The movement was from right to left, contra-clockwise.
The steps of the dancere Were short, the motion being cliieflj- in the leg below
the kiaee. In general effect the dance steps look more like shuffling. The
foot, being brought do\\ai fiat, gives forth a sound earning for the dance the
name of Stamp, or Stump Dance, among the whites.

Male dancers held their arm nearest the fire, the left level, with their heads
ami the head slightly drooped, as the}' said, to protect their faces from the heat
and glare of the fire. The tme explanation of this is probablj' different, but is
lost in obscurity. Women never assume this posture. Their arms were alwaj's
at their sides when dancing, and their feet were never raised far from the
ground. Motions were constantly made, as in the Buzzard dance when the
anrs of the performers were lowered and raised after the manner of a
buzzard's wings.

On a tree at one side near the edge of the square a space of several feet of
bark had been peeled off. Here a lot of red paint of mixed clay and grease
had been smeared, and this was a source of supply for those who wished to
daub themselves or renew their facial designs. Nearly all men wore the design
of their societj' painted on their faces. Some were only promiscuously
smeared with red and black.

In the nature of ornaments most of the men of the towia wore white heron
feather tremblers attached to their hats throughout the first few days. (PI. VII,
Figs. 7, 8.) These feathers, gehwane, were shaved half-way up the quill to make
them a little top heavy. The base is Wound in the end of a wire spring about
six inches long. The motions of the dancers impart a livelj' waving backward
and forward to these feathers. As far as could be ascertained they were purely
ornamental. Some dancers wore bunches of red, black, blue and white feathere
in tlieir hat bands. All wore their best clothes in the dances. The women,
some of them, were decorated with a metal comli in tlie back of their hair,
from which hung varicolored ribbons reaching nearh- to the ground. In

F. G. Sl'EC'K — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCIII IXDIAXS.

1-25

moving about, the wind carried these streamers out horizontally behind,
producing a very prett}- effect.

During the dances the town chief did not take part, but sat stolidly in his
seat, in the west lodge, facing the square-ground and dancers. From time to
time he gave a loud whoop or cry of encouragement and generally joined m the
whoop at the end of the dance stanzas.

The dance songs were generally long, and divided into cantos. After
each song or canto the leader whooped, the gocone echoed the cry and the dance
circle broke up until the leader started the next canto. At the end of each song
dancers imitated the cry of the animal named by the dance. The leader always
knew the song and carried the air, the other dancer furnishing the chorus.
Only the male dancers sang. Some of them carried fans of turkey buzzard or
eagle tails. When a leader carried one of these fans he passed it to another man
when he wished him to lead the next dance. A specimen of fan, made appar-
entlv of a buzzard's tail, is shown in PI. VII, Fig. 9. The feather attach-

Fig. 41. Feather Attachment of Wand.

ment is very simple, the quills being perforated and fastened side by side-
with a string of yarn strung through them transversely in two places.

A few of the dances observed during the ceremonies will now be described
more in detail. Some of the song syllables were also obtained and are given
in part. In such song burdens the part sung by the leader is given on the
same line as that sung by the chorus of dancers, the two being separated by
a space. Some of these dance songs were obtained from Laslie Cloud a Creek
who claimed that both the Yuehi and the Creeks of his town, Taskigi, held
them in common.

The Feather Dance, lakane clt, until lately took place only at the ceremony
of the Polecat settlement of the Yuchi. It was a daylight dance and occurred
on the second day. It was performed before taking the emetic and again
afterwards. The account of it was obtained from several informants.

There were four leaders, two abreast, the first two holding feather sticks,
having six white heron's feathers attached to the end, one in each hand.

126 AXTHROPOI.OGICAL PUB. UXIV. OF I'A. .\ll■SEl■^r, VOL. I.

(See PI. VII, Figs. 5, 6 and Fig. 41.) The next two shook hand rattles. The
dancers formed in line two abreast and came ninning (dancing) sunwise toward
a pile of earth, where the sweepings from the square were piled in a heap at the
eastern side of the square sometimes to a height of three and one-half feet.
Facing the sun they leaped over the pile as they reached it. Should aii}-
one fail to make the leap or fall or drojj anj-thing while leaping he was seized
b}- the four ydtcigi' and taken to the creek where he was ducked before he
could return to the square or pick up anything that he had dropped. The staffs
of the yatcigV were also decorated with white feathers for this dance.

This dance symbolized the journc}' of the sun over the square-ground
the Smi deity was believed to be closely watching the dance from above.
Should it not be properl}' enacted he was likely to stop in his course, according
to the belief. The Feather Dance was known also as the Corn Dance.

The Gun Dance was called Yafd' ctl. This dance was said to be chiefly
for pleasure, but it had some reference to the spirits dominating weapons and
was believed to increase their effectiveness. It Was perfom^ed at night by
the Santl Creek town, and during the daytime by the Polecat settlement. The
dancers held their firearms in the right hand. At the end of each song, (a),
(6), (c), all were discharged toward the ground and tlie dancers whooped.
The song is

(a) liaigo didi wedidi, yd^eya,

(repeated a number of times).

(b) Jicle held inaya, gduviia,

(repeated a number of times).

(c) walgeto iva^aye, lieya,

(repeated a number of times).

The Duck Dance, Cane ctl, was another in which it was sought to win
the favor of the supernatural guardians of game. An element of thanks is said
to have been recognized in these animal dances. The dancers held hands wind-
ing around in circles and figures behind the leader, in single file. Men and
women joined in promiscuously. The leader carried a hand rattle, and dmni-
ming also accompanied it. A band of visiting Shawnee joined in this dance
with the Yuchi in 1904, arranging themselves so as to alternate in tlie file
with Yuchi dancers. The songs were, in part,

(a) ye'ha ydleiio, wehe yd^hcya,

(repeated a number of times).
yagive' hd'^, a cry in imitation of the duck, given at end of

the song ; then Jidflk, lidfik, hank rapidly.
(6) ife'he ydheya, dheya wd^heya,

(repeated a number of times).
(Repeat cries as above.)

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI IXDIAXS. T^T

Thi> Hiireo Dance, Ba'td' cil, had no unusual features. It was of the general
typo described. At the end of each snn.e; all the dancers grunted like stallions.

(a) yahd gAtii yd, si'iuaga,

(repeated a number nf times).
yahd gMii yd,

(b) yah&ivcya, yalcge,

(repeated a number of times).

(c) hiydyaho, hc'lcua,

(repeated a number of times).

The dancers whinnied like stallions foiir times.

In the Buzzard Dance, Ya^H' ctt, the dancers waved their anus like the
wings of a buzzard. At the end of each song all bent over, spat, and hissed like
buzzards disgorging food. It was said to indicate bad breath and badtaste in the
mouth. Sometimes the motion of the arms was slow, with the palms of hands
turned down ; sometimes it was fast, as in song (c). This was a totemic dance.

(a) yaholeha, yagou-e'^e,

(repeated a numl)er of times).
{h) taivaya, Jiclc',

(repeated a number of times),
(f) hdticivdyahe ,

(repeated a numlier of times).
{d) sii'll ivdya he,

(repeated a numlx-r of times).
{c) he'ya yoivc' , hxiiiic',

(repeated a number of times).
iioltaya,

(arms raised high and slowly waved) .

The Rabbit Dance, Cadjwane ctt, is another of the coiinnon type dances.
The dancers held their left ami crooked between their faces and the fire. They
began by squealing like ral^bits. It was also a totemic dance.

(a) yohdlciia, yoho^ o^ h\',

(repeated a number of times).
((.") wd lidyo lid,

(repeated a number of thnes).
(li) yolidlciid,

(repeated a number of times).
(4) u'dhdyoiid' ,

(repeated a number of times).
The Fish Dance was called Cucpd ctt. Pike Dance, or Cud fa c/T, Catfish
Dance. The dancers waved their amis at their sides like the fins of a fish.

128 AXTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. Of TA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

Four whoops; wore given at the Ijeginning. The Fish Dance was toteniie also.
This daiice was quite an important one. There was much more stamping and
shouting in it than in tlie othei-s.

hoyalc hdyalS, yo-Im-ii-ho^ ,

(shouted out and accomijanicd liy stamjiing).
ye-hc-ho, ydlcha,

(stamping, sin lu ted).
yo-u-ii-ho,

(shouted, with violent stamping).

The Leaf Dance, Yacd ctl, was rather graceful in effect. The dancei-s
waved their hands imitating leaves blowaa by the wind. In this dance the
grateful shade of the sununer foliage is recognized by the people as a blessing.
I was told that several women caiTied the hand rattle in the Leaf Dance. The
song was as follows and was sung four times with a great deal of repetition of
the different parts. The repetitions were ver\- rapid and seemed qiiiteirregidar
toward the end.

ivalil yoiie' , Jicya',

(repeated a numlx^r of times).
Jtega^ yonS' , hcya' ,

(repeated a number of times).

hodjV gii yd,

(repeated a ntunber of times).

The >ShaMiiee Dance, Yo'^dd ctl, is said to have been borrowed from the
neighboring Shawnee, with whom the Yuchi are very intimate. It is a very jiic-
turesque and animated dance, indeed, a general favorite. Only the drum is
used, one man beating it while several others sing. A line of women filed out
from one comer of the square holding hands, led by a Shawiiee girl beaut if ull>-
dressed. Very soon the men from the different lodges came in between each
pair of women and took their hands. The whole line of alternating men and
women holding hands, then womid round and about the scjuare-ground imitating
the movements of a serpent. The song syllables as remembered, consisted of ya
na na we he repeated over and over. At intervals annoimced by a whoop the
dancers all faced right about and continued in that wa}' until the next whoop.

The Buffalo Dance, Wedlngd ctl, was an important one. The dancei-s
held sticks in their hands. Formerly they wore buffalo robes on their backs and
the stuffed skins of the buffalo's head over their shoulders. The dancers held
their amis at their sides with the sticks clinched in their fists. Their bodies
were bent stifflv fonvard and thev gmnted like buffaloes. The fii-st three

' The hyphen denotes emphasis and arrested voice.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 129

songs only are given. First the leader sang a part, then the chonis, then all
joined in the cry yd yd Ihd', or grunted.

(a) he' yaleiia, (repeated a number of times) ;

(grunting) yd yd iho'.

(b) ndiva yalid held, heyo hoiviya,

(repeated a number of times).

yd yd llio' (cry).

(c) hyd lena hyd Una hi' , hyaivd hcle,

(repeated a number of times).

yd yd iho' (ciy).

In the Chicken Dance, Wetc^d'ctl, the men and women held hands side by
side, marching two abreast. Men were allowed liberties with the persons
of their partners because they were imitating cocks. The singing in this ap-
peared to be more in vmison.

(a) ydgowi hole ha,
yahdleha yagou'lH',

(repeated a number of times).

(b) hegoivi yahoya nale he gou'l^l',
yale'hoya hdnaunye^^' ,

(repeated a number of times).

(c) he'yahe iiohe,
he'nayanadawiya,

(repeated a number of times).

In the Owl Dance, Kyd'^'ctl, there was the same form in dancing as in the
Chicken Dance, but no liberties were allowed. In this each song was much
repeated throughout. Tlie accent was too varied to record.

(a) aheyowana ha.

(b) yowale yowalehe.

(c) hayodje ha^ age.

(d) hayowana hayodje^ Jufiage.
{e) tawayahelc.

The Crazy or Drunken Dance, Tscbcnbeiie^' cti, was the last to be per-
formed before daybreak of the second and last night of the ceremonies.

In character it was extremely obscene, as well as in words of the songs.
The leaders frequently composed parts which they sang. They were given in
these to ridiculing others. The commonest words seem to have been, "I am
drunk; I want whiskey." The more selfrespecting women often refused to
join in it, as temporary' alliances were understood to result from intimacy

130 ANTHROrOLOGICAL TUB. L'XIV. OF PA. JRSElJf, VOL. I.

between the sexes on this occasion. The men whinnied like stalUons or
mules as signals. The close of the last song was uproarious, being followed
by general debauchery. Spectators were also sharers in the latter.

The whiskey, invoked in the words of the song, was considered a ilivinc
inflatus ; the opinion of the Yuchi in regard to it seems to be analogous
to the esteem in which the mescal or peyote is held among the western and
southwestern tribes. There is, in fact, some reason to believe that the mescal
worship may spread among the Yuchi if it continues eastward, as it has already
gained a foothold among the conservative Pawnees and Osages.

The liberality of the Yuchi religious sentiment is seen in the manner in
which dances have been invented for the worship of acculturated objects, like
the cow, chicken, firearms, etc., which they did not know in early times. Con-
stant borrowing has also taken place between the Yuchi and their neighbors,
the Creeks, Shawnees and others. During the second night of the ceremonies
visitors from other tribes were expected to perfomi some of their dances,
which from all outward appearances belonged to the Yuchi ritual and were
joined in by the Yuchi as well as by visitore. The gocone always extended the
invitations to outsidere when their dances were desired.

Third Day. — After the all-night dancing at the end of the second night,
which was concluded by the Crazy or Dmnken Dance, the townfolk disbanded.
Those who lived at a distance went home to sleep and rest. Sometimes a few
young people lingered about the square during these days, engaged in social
intercourse or games.

Fourth Day. — The fourth day was spent at home in much the same way
as the previous one.

Fifth Day. — On the fifth day the townsfolk assembled at the square again,
as on the first day.

Sixth Day. — On the sixth day at noon another feast was prepared and
eaten on the square. This meal consisted of meat.

The whole of the following night was given over to dancing and revelry
like that of the second night.

Seventh Day. — On the seventh day the ceremonial gathering was at
an end, and all dispei-sed for the last time. The new year was now begun with a
clean record, civilh' and religiously, for the whole town. These continued
days of assembly were held in 1905 with an unusual manifestation of
interest, as the chiefs had decided not to hold the ceremonies another year.

At other times of the year dancing took place at gatherings, but they
were regarded as entirely informal. Attendance on the part of the men was
not compulsory at such times.

In concluding this account of the ceremonies of the Yuchi a few words might
be said in tlie way of comparison witli the rites and l)eliefs of surrounding culture
areas.

y. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY 01' THE YUCHI INDIANS. 131

The new fire rite, which was commonly found throughout the Southeast,
has analogies in other regions. Nearly all occurrences of this kind, however,
are found in the southern portion of the continent. A new fire rite was prom-
inent in Mexico,' and among the Pueblo tribes of the Southwest.^

The idea of the town shrine also strongly suggests the sacred altare of the
Southwestern tribes and the shrines or altars concerned in the ceremonies of
the tribes of the Plains. In all of these altare from the Southwest, across the
Plains to the Southeast a common element is to be found in the symbolic
painting or color representations on the ground.

As regards the ceremonies of scarification and the taking of the emetic
we again find a specialization, in the Southeast, of these features which are,
however, widely distributed westward and southward. The scratching opera-
tion regarded as a fonn of torture has distant analogies among nearly all the
tribes of the Plains, where the Sun Dance was performed. The emetic cere-
mony, found prominently in nearly every southeastern tribe, is also traceable
across the Plains to the Southwest.' A difference is to be noted in the character
of the public communal ceremonies as we go from east to west. In the South-
east every male in the town is a participant in them and must undergo every
rite. On the Plains certain individuals only undergo the torture and the priests
of the ceremony take the emetic. Again in the Southwest the ceremonies are
performed characteristically by the priests, who alone take the emetic. There
are besides a number of similarities in detail between the rites of the Plains, the
Southeast and Southwest. Considering the matter as a whole, we are led, pro-
visionally, to the opinion that, as regards ceremonials, a great deal of similarity
characterizes the Southern area of North America extending in a sort of zone
from the Atlantic along the Gulf and thence westward and southward to
what may have been their center of distribution.

' The Mexican new fire ceremony at the beginning of each cycle is gi\'en in Die Cultur-
volker Alt-Amerikas, Dr. Gustav Briihl, New York, Cincinnati, St. Louis, 1875-87, pp.
237, 412.

^Cf. Fewkos, in American Anthropologist, N. S.. Vol. 2, p. 138, for a discussion of the
distribution of this rite.

' Cf . Dorsey, The Arapaho Sun Dance, Field Columbian Museum , Publication No. 7.5,
Chicago, 1903; also The Cheyenne, same series. No. 103, p. 164, where dancers cause
themselves to vomit near the end of the ceremony; also Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita,
Carnegie Institution, Wash., 1904, p. 16, where priests in ceremony take emetic. I was
also informed that the Comanche cerebrated a rite before the season's first corn was eaten
in which, during the performance of a romid dance, all the villagers took an emetic brewed
from a certain plant. See also Stevenson, The Sia Indians, Eleventh Report Bureau
American Ethnolog}', 1894, p. 87; Voth, Oraibi Summer Snake Ceremony, Field Colum-
bian Museum, Pub. No. 83, p. 347; Dorssy and Voth, Mishongnovi Ceremonies, same
series, No. 66, pp. 159-261; Fewkes, Tusayan Snake and Flute Ceremonies, Nineteenth
Report Bureau American Ethnology, 1900, p. 976.

132 AXTHROPOr.OGICAL IHIi. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUjr, VOL. I.

Tke.\tment of Disease,
shamanism.

Various practices arc ohscn-ed among the Yuchi for the cure of disease.
They are chiefly songs used in conjunction Nvith herbs, or other substances,
without regard to their actual medicinal character, whether beneficial or harm-
ful. In each settlement the to^\^l chief is one of the shamans who retains the
knowledge of the plants and rituals. Among the Creeks the powers of shaman
are open to any successful candidate, a remark which may apply to the Yuchi
as Well, though a,s far as could be learned only one such shaman lives in the
Sand Creek settlement now and he is the toWTi chief.

The treatment consists in giving the medicinal herbs to the patient, for
internal or external application, and in pcrfoi-ming other rites with appropriate
songs of address to the supposed causes of the disorder.

The shamanistic rites of the Creeks and Yuchi are said to be identical.
This has been observed in regard to the practices, and was asserted by infor-
mants from both tribes in regard to the songs and the medicinal herbs going
with them. As infomiation from the only Y^uchi doctor ui Sand Creek could
not be had, a collection of songs in text and on the phonograph, a list of dis-
eases with their causes, and the herb cures was made from a famous Creek
shaman, Kabikimdla. Laslie Cloud, living near the Y^uchi settlements.'

All bodily affliction is believed to come from the presence of some harmful
foreign matter in the system, placed there either by some animal spirit or
another conjurer. The origin is, however, mostly traceable to animals. As
long as this substance remains in the body, health is impossible. Since trouble
is likely to come from so many sources, the Y'uchi finds it necessary to be con-
stantly on guard against the operation of malignant spirits and conjurers by
observing the taboos. Should a man unwittingly offend one of the animal
spirits, he would suffer. The moment anyone feels pains or illness it is believed
that some offence has thus been done. The first thing to do is to placate the
spirit agenc}', and secondly to remove the material cause. The placation of the
spirit is effected by some song or formula and the removal of the foreign
matter is effected by the administration of some medicinal drinks. To have
the obnoxious substance removed and the placation gone through with, the
services of a shaman are r(>quired. The shaman must firet discover the cause.
This is done by secret methods, upon which his skill and reputation usually
rest. Some shamans can diagnose by examining the sufferer's shirt, for which
a charge of twenty-five cents or equivalent is made.

Certain roots and plants, steeped in water, are necessaiy aids to the sha-
man in driving out the trouble, and various fommlae go with these medicines.

' See Memoirs of American .Anthropological Association, Vol. 2, Part 2, The Creek
Indians of Taskigi Town, p. 121.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIAN'S. 133

The shaman secretes himself with the medicines, and filling a pot with water,
steeps them, all the time blowing into the concoction through a hollow cane.
This cane is about two and one-half feet long and has three red ribbons tied on
it. (See PI. VII, Fig. 1.) This takes place between the stanzas of the appropriate
song. Nearly all of the songs are sung four times, then a long blowing is given
the medicine, after which it is thought properly chargeil with magic power. It
is then given to the patient, who drinks it and washes in it, applying it accord-
ing to the shaman's advice. The song and ritual is believed to throw the
disease into some animal, but not the one causing it. The following are a few
of the medicine songs with the corresponding diseases, their symptoms and
medicines.

Names of medicino songs,
according to the crea- Symptoms. Medicinal Herbs.

turcs believed to cause '^

the diseases.

Deer Swelling, boils Cedar leaves.

Deer 1 jj^^^i^.^e ^ ^^''^ 'P'"'' ^ ' ^ '

Sun ) [ buntiower.

Young Daer Swollen joints and mus- Cedar leaves and Deer Po-

cles. tato {Licinaria scariosa).

Water Moccasin . . . .Swollen cheeks, todtli- Dried twigs and leaves.

ache and sore gums.

Hog Nausea and indigestion . {Hicrocicum species).

Water Wolf Nausea, dysentery Sassafras.

Snake Hunting Swollen face and limbs . Cedar leaves.

Little Turtle Coughing, sores on limbs Wild Cheriy bark.

and neck.

Panther ) . . . ,„,

Wildcat jNausea,gnpes (?)

Bear Nausea, dysentery (Chenopodiiim species).

Bird Nausea, dysentery, stiff Bird's nest.

limbs.

Horse Gastritis Com cobs.

Beaver Pain in bowels, consti- Black Willow (?) and

pation. tulip (?).

Fish Insomnia Ginseng.

Great Homed Ser- Swollen limbs, lameness. (?)

pent.

Raccoon "\

Yellow Alligator . . [> Insomnia, Melancholia . . (?)

Otter )

Ghost Fever (?)

134 ANTHROPOLOGICAL IT 11. IMV. OK I'A. MrSErir, VOL. I.

The explanation of the origin of diseases and medicines, as given by m}'
Creek informant, is as follows, in abstract, "Our ancestors of the olden time
told it. The Deer said that he made the sickness and the medicine for it,
thus (for the euro of trouble inflicted by him). The Bear . . . etc. The Many
Snakes . . . etc. The Felines . . . etc. The Water Creatures . . . etc. The
Seashore Creatures . . . etc."

Sickness is called galen', 'tr()ul)le'. The expression for sickness is rather
peculiar. There is no regular verb for it, so when a man is sick he says "Sick-
ness, or trouble, feels me" (galen' dze yu').

Sympathetic healing appears to be the underlying theor.v in the use of
the formulas and herbs. It characterizes the practices, so far as I know, of
most of the southeastern tribes. A very conservative man named Kye'bane is
said to be the one best informed in shamanism, and it is Hkel}^ that a collec-
tion of fonnulas could be obtained from him if he could be induced to part
with his knowledge. Shamaus hold their formulas in high esteem and will
only impart them to chosen or favored persons, even then at monopoly
rates of charge. If perchance ordinary persons come into possession of a
knowledge of any formulas or remedies they make use of them the same as a
regular shaman would. Spiritual appointment to the office does not seem to
be entirely necessary' for success. Aiiyone who knows some good cures can find
employment in his neighborhood. Charges may be made for such treat-
ment, but never need be paid until recovery or at least improvement is
obtained.

To illustrate this I \\\\\ give the experience of a Sand Creek Yuchi. He
was quite clever in diagnosing and curing troubles among the Indians. Once
while he was loimging about town 'uith some friends, a very emaciated white
man whom they knew passed by. He complained of being sick with some
trouble which the physicians could not accoimt for. The Yuchi casually re-
marked that he coidd cure him. Thereupon the white man declared that unless
he could be cured he knew he would die, and that he would make it worth while
to the doctor who cured him. The Yuchi became interested, secured the man's
consent and started in with his shamanism. After working over the man for
some weeks he began to improve and finally he was cured so that he could
continue with his trade. The man did verj' well after this in health and in
business but the Yuchi never asked him for pay. Some time afterwards the two
met on the street in company with some friends. They remarked on the man's
recovery and prosperity. He was very profuse in his praise of the Indian
treatment and then to show his appreciation decided to be generous before
the company. He munificently rewarded the expectant old shaman with the
sum of fifty cents. This aroused a great deal of laughter among the Indians
for some time after. The old man repeated it to everj'bodj' over and over
again in lengthy terms, describing how he dug roots, sang songs and blew up

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE TrCHI IXDIAXS. 135

medicine until he was breathless, for several months, to make a great case.
But he never threatened to undo his cure.

I did not learn of the existence of any \vomeu who made a practice of
shamanism.

The shamans furthennore possess secret means of tlivination. The town
chief of the Sand Creek settlement gave an example of his power in this direc-
tion just before the annual celebration of 1904. I ventured to suggest to the
master of ceremonies that I be allowed to fast in the square during the second
day of the ceremony and take the emetic with the others. He told me that
he would consult with the town chief about it to see whether I had eaten
any corn or not, as, it will be recalled, those who have partaken of com before-
hand are forbidden the privilege of joining in the rites. In the meanwhile the
town chief consulted a pot of medicine for the answer. Just what he did and
how the answer appeared to him I could not learn. Shortly after^vards the
master of ceremonies returned. I was told that the town chief found out that
I had recently eaten corn and thereby violated the taboo. The master of cere-
monies then asked me if it were true and I told him that it was.

One process of divination to learn the animal that causes disease is to
conjure in some way over a pot of medicine until the image of the animal ap-
pears in the stuff. The shaman claims to see the reflection at the bottom of the
pot. A similar process is common among the Creeks, and, incidentally, I
learned that the Chickasaw seer divined by means of a piece of bear's dung
or by the leaning of an upright pole.^

CEREMONIES.

What has so far been saiil in regard to the treatment of disease deals only
with what might properly be called shamanism. Besides the regular practice
of curing disease, which "is in the hands of especially qualified pereons, there
are various methods employed by individuals for themselves when attacked by
sickness or threatened with it. The town itself celebrates a public ceremony
when threatened with evil in the shape of sickness, or when actually suffering
from some epidemic. When a man becomes sick and does not desire to em-
ploy a shaman to cure him but prefers to treat himself, he can resort to the
swe'at-bath and emetic. In some respects the sweat-bath of the Yuchi is
similar to that of many other American tribes, but there are some differences.
A tent-like shelter is erected conveniently near running water and made
thoroughly weather-tight. The operator then provides himself with a vessel of
water, in which is steeped one of the several roots which acted as emetics.
Tobacco, red root, or button snake root (the latter two having been mentioned

. See notes on Chickasaw Ethnology and Folk-Lore, Journal of American Folk-Lore,
No. 76, p. 51 (1907).

136 ANTllKOPOLOCaCAL I'UIi. UNIV. OF PA. MlS^Kl.M, VOL. I.

in the account of the luinual ocrrinmuos) can he usc'l for this. If tobacco bo
oinploycd, only a pahiiful of the dried blossoms to a pail of water is necessary.
Rocks are heated and piled in the center of the floor space in the tent, and
when all is ready the patient enters naked, closes himself in and begins to
drink as much of the emetic as he can. When two Or three dipperfuls have
been swallowed vomiting begins. The operator vomits upon the hot rocks
and the liquid turns immediately into a cloud of steam. In this way the
process of drinking and vomiting on the hot rocks is kept up until the man
is thoroughly sweated and purged internally. Then he emerges and plunges
into the river.

The sweat-bath is taken not only when sickness is felt but from time 1o
time by different individuals to ward it off. It is done also to right one's self
with the Sun deity, and before serious imdertakings like the hunt, the
journey or the warpath. The town also has a general public ceremony, the
object of which is to ward off not only sickness but evils of other sorts what-
ever they might be. The ceremony embodies the ideas of pjiysical purging,
of purification in a religious sense and of propitiation to the various super-
natural beings. It consists of dancing and vomiting.

The ceremony is called Tsotl'bene^, 'Medicine Drinking.' Wlien sickness,
or trouble in general is abroad or threatens the town, the town chief calleil the
families to the square-ground for the observance. At sundown they gather
while a quantity of the emetic is prepared. Everyone is given to drink
until he vomits. Then in the interval the proper persons prepare more of the
<lraught, while the people spend the time in dancing various dances. When
the medicine is ready again the gocone', the leader of the Warrior society, calls
the people for another drink. This they take, allowing it to have its effect,
then fall to dancing again. During the W^iole ceremony, which is carried on
all night, no one is allowed to sleep or doze. The officers of the Warrior society
have to see to it that no one breaks this rule. The dancing and drinking ai-e
continued until sunrise, at wlaich time the ceremony is ended.

A few other individual practices for curing sickness in children were
observed. These are, so to speak, family methods quite generally known
and practiced without any particular ceremony. For a sore mouth and
irritation of the intestines the fresh blood of a chicken is thought to be
effective. The living fowl is cut through the back of the neck, the bleeding
stump thrust into the open mouth of the sufferer, and the blood swallowed as
it flows. For whooping cough the sufferer drinks some water in which a crow
was soaked whole. The analogy is said to be drawn between the coughing and
the crow's cawing.

Incidentally it was learnetl that the Indians when suffc^ring with toothache
never try to extract the tooth but, if they do anything, just chew some strong
herbs, sometimes tobacco.

r. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS.

137

I found a man with a piece of some small whitish root, which looked as
though it might be ginseng, in his money bag. He said that it was good to
k(^ep away sickness. He also used an infusion of it to relieve his child of croup
at night. He said that he always carried it when traveling.

Tobacco blossoms are employed as an ordinary physic and emetic. Three
or four of the dried blossoms suffice when steeped in a medium sized pot of
water.

The common method of treating iiose-bleed is to pour cold water over the
sufferer's head.

AMULETS.

Protective amulets were more commonly worn heretofore than now. One
specimen was obtained from the neck of a child. Its particular function was
to bring sleep and rest to the Wearer. The thing consists of an insect larva
sewed tightly in a buckskin covering decorated on one side
with l)lue and white beads (Fig. 42) . The fetish symbolizes
a turtle, the similarity in fonn being carried out further by
three little loops of white beads representing the hind legs and
tail. A double potency was ascribed to this object since it
embodies the influence of two creatures who spend much of
their existence in a dormant state. In the figure white beads
are represented by open spaces and dark blue beads by the
filled-in spaces. The center row of lighter blue is shown by
the shaded spaces.

Another chann to keep children from getting sick was
composed of some small white bones wrapped up in buckskin
or rag and tied to their necks or hammocks. Bones of this
sort were also believed to prevent children from crying in the night and to
protect them in general from the effects of all possible evil. It is also under-
stood that men wore small, curiously fomied objects, or trophies, which had
some relation to events in their career, in tlie belief that the things would prove
effectual in protecting and guiding them in some way.

Fig. 42. Amulet.

138 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PrB. UNIV. OF PA. IIUSEUM, VOL. I.

MYTHOLOGY.

Some of the most important mythologic aceomits have been given in the
description of reUgioiis beUefs and need not be repeated . If the follo\ving
interpretation of Southern mythology be correct, it would seem that the mj-ths
of the Y'uchi and the other southeastern tribes belong in one fairly homogeneous
group, and that the fundamental mjih elements, here somewhat specialized
on account of local interests, also belong in the extensive common categorj'
widely distributed over the continent.

The cosmogonic idea of the Yuchi, and the other tribes of the Soutlieast,
is purely creational, in contrast to the transfomiational concept of the Algon-
kian, Siouan, and especially of the tribes of the northwest Pacific coast.
The cosmogonic myth type of the Cherokee, Muskogi and Yuchi is, with a few
exceptions, as follows:

Water is everj'where. The only living creatures are flying beings and
water beings. They dispute over existing contlitions and some decide to
make, a world. They induce Crawfish (Creek, Y'uclii) or Beetle (Cherokee) to
dive for it. When earth is brought up from the depths of the water, it is made
to grow until it becomes the present earth. Buzzard is deputed to fly over,
and flatten it, but he tires and so causes roughness in the fonn of mountains.
After this comes the creation of sun, moon and stars for the benefit of the
terrestrial creatures. Then follows the creation of man, which varies too much
among the types for composite rendering.*

The follo%\-ing two classes may be distinguished in the myths: the sacred,
relating to the culture hero and the deeds of the animal creators, and the
commonplace, relating to the Rabbit trickster, various animals, and their ex-
ploits, etc. The latter class, subject. to much variation and change at the hands
of different individuals, is extremely characteristic of the whole Southeast.

The culture hero concept so general througj^out America is found among
the Yuchi embodied in the personality of the Sun. The trickster and trans-
fonner character is found in the Rabbit, a personage here quite separate and
distinct from the culture hero.

The culture hero concept is closely connected with religion and ritual,
while the trickster concept is not. The culture hero is believed to be the author
of Yuchi tribal existence, their clan system, ceremonies, etc., but does not

' Myths of the Creeks, W. O. Tuggle, MSS. Bur. Amer. Eth.; Myths of Cherokee, J.
Mooney, Nineteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Eth., p. 239; Creek Inds. of Taskigi Town, Speck,
op. eit., p. 145.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOOY OF THE YUCIII IXDIAXS. 139

seem to be concerned in the creation mytli. As the myth relates, the Sun tleity
iMaced the Yuchi under obhgation to follow out his instructions in worship to
insure their tribal integrity and they look to him as the author of all good.

The culture hero myth of the Yuchi, with the one pereonality, his coming,
his creation of the Yuchi, his instructions to them, and his departure and
promise, suggests a legend of the Creeks quoted by numerous authors and firet
recorded by Hawkins.^ Here four deities, 'hiyouyulgee',^ probably cardinal
point deities, appear analogous to the Sun deity of the Yuchi. Although
no other authentic mention has been made of the entire myth among the
Creeks, the one described by Hawkins looks very much like a partial outline of
the Yuchi culture-hero myth.

Another important mention of the four culture heroes of the Creeks and
the origin of ceremonies and medicine plants is found in the Tuggle collection
of Creek Myths.^ The myth comes from Tookabatchie {Tiikaba^ci) town.

Four persons came from "Esakutumisi"* and brought some metal plates
to them, which are retained and exhibited to this day in the public square at
the ceremonies, as town "palladia." These four deities instructed the Tooka-
batchie, prophesied the coming of the whites, bequeathed them their ceremonial
care of the metal plates and made their future welfare dependent upon it.
One of the four died and over the spot where he was buried a plant appeared
which was tobacco. (Tookabatchie town is credited by Tuggle with a
migration legend similar to that of Kasi^ta.)

Owing to the fact that so many of the m^'trhs, or parts of myths, current
among the southeastern tribes are analogous to those found among the southern
ne.groes, much discussion has arisen over their origin. Without regard to the
names of characters involved in the tales, the elements of action ought to be
the means of determining to some extent the source of a large number. Where
analogous events are found in the mythologies of other American tribes less

'Myth from Hawkins, Sketch of Creek Country, 1798-99, pp. 81, 82.

"Opinion of Tassekiah Micco on Origin of the Creeks, and the New Fire.

"There are in the forks of Red river two mounds of earth Here

they were visited by the Hiyouyulgee, four men who came from the four corners of the
world. One of these asked the Indians where they would have their fire. • They pointed
to a place; it was made, and they sat down around it. The Hiyouyulgee directed that
they should pay particular attention to the fire, that it would preserve them and let
Esaugetuh Emissea know their wants. One of these visitors took them and showed
them the passau (Button Snake Root, pdde', of the Yuchi); another showed them the
Micco ho yo ejau (Red Root, to tcala' , of the Yuchi), then the Aueh.mau (Cedar) and

Tooloh (Sweet Bay) After this, the four visitors disappeared in a cloud going

from whence they came "

' Ha'yay.^lgi, ' Light people,' 'People of the light,' Brinton, Myths of New World, pp.
94, 95.

' MS. unpublished in Bureau American Ethnology.

'Hisdkida imfssi, 'Master of Breath.'

140 ANTIIUOI'OI.CXJICAL PUB. UXIV. OF PA. ia-SEUM, VOL. I.

iufluencctl by outsidere, it may be safely assumed that those myths, or parts, arc
native to America. Ami iu some cases, too, purely indigenous myth actions
have been recorded from both Africa and America. No discussion is necessary
in such cases of accidental similarity. But a large number of Indian myths
of the Southeast show both Indian and negro aspects, and it is in regard to this
class of myih that the question arises.

From Indian informants it has been recently learned that stories describing
the cimning and wisdom of various animals corresponding to clan totems, have
been welcomed by the Indians to illustrate the superiority of some particular
totemic anunal. As the honor of the totem is carefully maintained by each
clan, it is quite natural that any tale adding to the gloiy of a totem should be
adopted by the members of the clan and told as though it were actually con-
cerned with their totem. Wherefore elements of African or European myths
have been continually engrafted in whole or in part on the native stock of ani-
mal tales, until it is hardly possible now to distinguish which is which. This
explanation was furnislied by Indians and seems to be generally understood
among the Yuchi, Creek and Chickasaw, and it nia\' possibly apply to other
southern tribes in a like manner.

As the Yuchi material appeai-s to belong so inseparably to the general
type of mythology of the Southeast as a whole, we shall deal in brief with
the whole region instead of with the Yuchi alone. Such a thing as exclusively
pure Yuchi mythology, I fear, could not truthfully be spoken of nowadays,
since borrowing has gone on so extensively. A few cognates of the myths,
found by collateral reading in the mjrthologies of other tribes, are given
incidentally in footnotes. They do not represent any attempt to make a
complete concordance.

Leaving the important mji;hs relating to cosmogony, we find a great many
myths relating to heroes, monsters, tricksters and other beings concerned with
transformation in the Southeast, some elements of which are cognate with
Algonkian and Iroquois mj^ths, others with those of the Southwest. A general
review of these myths from the Southeast brings out the following features
and comparisons.

Stories of monsters clad in bone, stone, metal or scales are verj^ character-
istic of the region. The monster is usually a cannibal, and is finally slain by
persons or beings who have learned the secret of its only vulnerable spot. The
culture hero often appears as the slayer.' The account of the trickster who,

■ Creek (Migration Leg. of Creeks, Gatschet, p. 248). Cherokee (Cher. Myths, Mooney,
19th Rep. Bur. Amer. Eth., pp. 319, 326, 311). Menoniini (Menomini Inds., Hoffman, 14th
Rep. Bur. Am. Eth., p. 229). Micmac (Alg. Leg. of N. E., Leland, p. 38). Wyandot
(Wyandot Folk-Lore, Connelly, p. 91). Sarcee (J. A. F. L.. Journal of American Folk-Lore.
Vol. XVII, p. 181). Saulteaux- and Cree (Alg. Ind. Tales, E. R. Young, p. 166). Dakota
(Contr. to N. A. Ethn., Vol. IX, p. 101). Sia (Uth Rep. Bur. Amer. Eth.. Stevenson, p,
45). Jicarilla .\pache (.\mer. Aiith., Vol. XI. p. 208). Wichita.

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 141

when invited to dine with a friend who produces fooil by miracles, is unable
to imitate his host wlien ho himself tries, is even more general and uniform.^
Other elements of wide distribution are: The race between two rivals and
the victory of the trickster by strategy.' The narrative of the men who
travel to the spirit land to visit some deity for the purpose of obtaining a boon,
upon the receipt of which one of them fails to heed certain restrictions,
and suffers disastrous results.* The accepted type of what is now known
as the magic flight or obstacle myth, with various modifications.^ The steal-
ing of fire by the culture hero, or an animal concouree (Cherokee), or Rabbit
(Creek, Yuchi).° The dispute over day and night by the animals, and the
introduction of day.' And lastly, for the present, the tar-man story,
so common throughout western Africa and among the American negroes,'
which tells of the capture of a rogue by setting a figure made of adhesive
pitch, or other substances, where he must come into contact with it. The Jica-
rilla Apache version, though remote from the Southeast, is closely analogous to

= Creek (Tuggle, MS.)- Cherokee (Mooney, p. 273). Thompson River (Teit, p.
40). Algonkin (Leland, p. 208-213). Jicarilla Apache (Russel, J. A. F. L., Vol. II,
p. 265-66). Arapaho (Field Col. Mus,, Vol. V, p. 116). Navaho (Mathews, p. 87)!
Micmao (Rand, p. 302-3). Chilcotin (Trad, of the Chilcotin, Farrand, p. 18). Bilo.xi
(J. A. F. L., Vol. VI, p. 49). Wichita.

'Creek (Tuggle, MS.). Cherokee (Mooney, pp. 270, 290). Menomini, Saulteau.x and
Cree (Young, p. 246). Zuni (Gushing, Zuni Folk-Tales, p. 277). Arikara (Trad, of the
Arikara, Dorsey, p. 143). Wichita.

* Creek, Cherokee (Mooney, p. 253-5). Menomini (Hoffman, p. 118). Thompson
River (Teit, pp. 53,85). Algonkin (Leland, p. 94). Saulteau-x and Cree (Young, p. 244).
Micmac (Rand, p. 233). Article in Amer. Anth., Dorsey, Vol. VI, p. 64. Omaha (Cont.
to N. A. Eth., Vol. VI. p. 185-188). Shawnee (Gregg, Commerce of Prairies, Vol. II,
p. 239-240). New Brunswick (Parkman, Jesuits in N. A.). Chinook, Wichita.

* Creek (Tuggle, MS.). Menomini (Hoffman, p. 188-9). Thompson River (Teit, p. 92).
Passamaquoddy (Leland, p. 214). Navaho (Mathews, p. 102). Dakota (Riggs, p. 108,
Vol. IX). General European distribution (Boas, J. A. F. L., Vol. 4, 1891, p. 19).
Cree (Canadian Sav. Folk, MacLean, p. 71). Blackfoot (.1. A. F. L., Vol. VI, p. 44).
Mohegan (J. A. F. L., Vol. XVI, p. 104). Cheyenne (J. A. F. L., Vol. XVI, p. 108). Chip-
pewyan (J. A. F. L., Vol. XVI, p. 80-84). Ojibway (Schoolcraft, Myth of Hiawatha, p.
249). Wichita.

0 Creek (Tuggle, MS.). Jicarilla (Russel, p. 261). Cherokee (Mooney, p. 240). Menom-
ini (Hoffman, p. 126). Saulteaux and Cree (Young, 96-105, 89-94). Nez Percfe (J. A.
F. L., Vol. 4, p. 327). Chilcotin (Memoirs Amer. Mus. Natl. Hist., Vol. IV). Tsimshian
(T.simshian Texts, Boas, p. 31). Maidu (Bull. Amer. Mus. Natl. Hist., Vol. XVII, Part II,
p. 65).

' Cherokee (Mooney, p. 251). Thompson River (Teit, p. 61). Iroquois (Second Rep.
Bur. Am. Eth., Smith).

' Africa (Ewe Speaking People, Ellis, p. 275; Yoruba Speaking People, Elhs, p. 252).
Amer. Negro (Uncle Remus, Harris, p. 23). Angola (Chatelain, p. 183-9). Kaffir (Theal.,
p. 179). Louisiana (J. A. F. L. Memoirs, Vol. II, Fortier, p. 98). Bahama (J. A. F.
L. Memoirs, Vol. Ill, Edwards, p. 73).

143 AXTIIUOl'OLOIilCAL PLB. UXIV. OF I'A. ilUSEUil, VOL. I.

the latter account. In eastern x\lgonkian, Gluscap punishes a rogue, Pitcher, by
causing him to stick to a tree by his back, and transforming him into a toad.
Arapaho tradition tells of a child, born from the cut in a man's foot, being
pui-sued by a buffalo who wants to marry her. She takes refuge in a hollow-
stump to which the buffalo sticks, when he strikes it with his head in trj'ing to
dislodge her. In Wichita, After-birth Boy and his brother lay on a stone which
they find, and stick toit.°

There are a few- more legends that deserve emphasizing in their connec-
tion with the Southeast. One of these is the migration legend, found in all
l)ranches of the Muskogi, the Yuchi and the Cherokee. Nearly all the Algon-
kian tribes have it, and the Plains tribes share it.'"

The common element to the W'hole region is the eastward or westward
journey of the soul and the obstacles it meets with. The most general type
of obstacle is the cloud swaying at the end of the earth, where it and sky meet.
This is the barrier to the spirit world, through which even-one desiring entrance
to the spirit realm nuist pass." Some of the transformations brought about
by the animal creators of the Southeast are the procuring of land,'^ fire,"
tobacco" and the bestowing of characteristics upon various beasts.

Lastly, mention need only be made of the ahnost universal occurrence,
in North America, of the tradition which recounts the experiences of someone
who fell into a trance, believed that he passed over to the spirit w-orld where
he saw- the supreme deity, received a message from him to the people on earth
and eventually retunaed to life, becoming a sort of prophet or messenger of
the supreme deity. The myth explaining the origin of death, wherein death is
introduced upon the earth through the mistake or disobedience of someone, or
by mere chance, is also fairly typical of America.

» Creek (Tuggle, MS.). Cherokee (Mooney, p. 271-2). Jicarilla Apache (Russel, J. A. F.
L., Vol. II, p. 268). Algonkin (Leland, p. 48). Arapaho (Pub. of Field Col. Museum, Vol.
V, p. 153). Wichita (J. A. F. L., Vol. XVII, p. 159). Biloxi (J. A. F. L., Vol. VI, p. 48).
Osage (Traditions of the Osage, G. A. Dorsey, p. 24).

'° Cherokee (Mooney, p. 391). Creek (Migration Legend, Gatschet). Choctaw, Chicasaw,
Hitchiti (Gallatin, Synopsis of Ind. Tribes, Amer. Antiq. Soc, Vol. II, p. 100, 1836). Len-
ape (Brinton, The Lenape and their Legends, p. 138, 141-3). Tonkawa (Mooney, Harper's
Mag., Aug., 1901). Kiowa (17th Rep. Bur. Anier. Eth., Part 1, p. 153). Sarcee (J. A. F. L.,
^'ol. XVII, p. 180). Tuscarora (Legends of Iroquois, Elias Johnson, p. 43). Menomini
(Hofi'man, p. 217). Blackfoot (Amer. Anth., Vol. 5, p. 162). Nanticoke (Lenape and
their Legends, p. 1.39). Shawnee (Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, Vol. II, p. 256).
Arikara (Trad, of Arikara, Dorsey, p. 31).

"Cherokee (Mooney, p. 255-6). Micmac (Rand, p. 233). Siouan (Amer. Anth.,
Vol. VI, p. 64, Dorsey). Iroquois (Amer. Anth., 1892, p. 344). Shaw-nee (Gregg, Com-
merce of Prairies, Vol. II, p. 239-40). New Brunswick (Parkman, Jesuits of N. A.).
Thompson River (Teit, p. 85, 53). Menomini (Hoffman, p. 206). Tillamook (Boas, J. A.
F. L., Vol. II, p. 30). Ottawa (Schoolcraft, p. 386). Wichita.

" Cherokee, Creek, Yuchi. " Oeek, Yuchi, Cherokee Myths, p. 200. " Ibid., p. 254.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 143

SUPPLEMENTARY MYTHS.

5. Origin- of the Other Tribes, and a Chief's Visit to Receive the
Creator's Prophecy.

Now the people had come upon the earth. The Shawnee came from above.
The Creeks came from the ground. The Choctaw came from the water. The
Yuchi came from the sun.

So Gohantone appointed a day for them to meet and mingle, because he
thought at first that it would be better for them to do that. Accordingly they
met at the place of sunrise, in the east, and mingled together in friendship.
They smoked together and held a council. After considering, they concluded
that it would be better for all if they did not mix up. And henceforth they
separated, each tribe going its own way and living alone.

The Shawnee said, "Our name is Shawnee, and We'll go off by ourselves."
So they went.

The Creeks said, "We are Muskogi, and we'll go off by ourselves. "

The Choctaw said, "We're Choctaw." And they went away.

The Yuchi were there too, and they said, "Our name is Yuchi." And
they in turn left. Each tribe selected its own place to live in, and went there.

Now after a while, when they had been separated some time, Gohantone
thought the thing over and said,

"You have nothing. So I'll give you something. I'll give you all the
earth."

Then he gave them the earth, and they scattered over it.

Now after a while Gohantone thought the matter over again. Then a Creek
chief died. When the chief was dead he appeared before Gohantone, who said
to him,

"This land belongs to you and your children forever. This land will be
yours forever, but these whites who have just come will overwhelm you and
inherit your land. They will increase and the Indian will decrease and at
last die out. Then only white people will remain. But there will be terrible
times. "

So spoke Gohantone to the dead Creek chief. For four days he lay dead,
then he came to life again. When he woke up he was well. He immediately
called a great council. Shawaiee, Choctaw, Creeks and Yuchi all assembled
to hear him, and he told them all that he had seen and heard. He told them
that the land would belong to the Indian forever, but the white man would
overrun it. So the thing is coming to pass as Gohantone said.

144 AN'THUOPOLOOICAI. I'lH. UXIV. OF VA. illSKU.M, VOL. I.

6. Rahiut Steals Fikk fok the People.

In the beginning there was no fire on the earth, and there seemed to he
no way to get it. Therefore, when tlie people wanted to eat flesh, they had to
eat it raw. Finally the Rabbit said that he knew where fire was, and even
said that he could get it. Then the people went into camp and took council.
Thoj' decided to send Rabbit to get the fire that he spoke of.

" If you know where fire is, then go and get it," they said to him.

So Rabbit started out, and swam across the ocean, because he knew that
fire was only to be had on the other side of the sea. The people over there
were having an olden time dance, and when Rabbit appeared among them they
said,

" Here is a man who belongs on the other side of the sea. So watch him well. "

The}' selected four of their number to watch him. Now because Rabbit
was such a good dancer, they soon chose him to lead them in one dance after
another. So while he Was leailing they urged the four guardians of Rabbit to
watch him very closely.

Now when Rabbit began to lead, he took a large shawl and wrapped it
about his head and wound a number of berrj- leaves into it until the whole was
very large. Then they danced verj' hard. But suddenly Rabbit picked up a
coal from the fire and put it on his head among the berry leaves and ran away
toward his own land. All the people started after him, but they could not
catch him. He got safely over the sea with the burning coal, and was crossing
a prairie near home when he dropped the coal, and the timber all about was set
on fire. All the woods got on fire. The people ran out and secured the burning
sticks and gave them to each family, so that they all could have fire. And it
was never allowed to go out.

7. Rabbit Obtains Fike. (Second Veksion. Abstract.)
The Rabbit went across the ocean for fire and got in among people who
were dancing. They were the people who possessed fire. He took some of the
fire in his hand and jumping into the ocean swam across with it. WTien he had
landed it began to rain, then he put the fire in a stump. When this took fire
he scattered the burning pieces all around and the woods caught fire. From
this the Indians got it.

8. Four Men Visit the Spirit Land to Recover Their Wives, and
Death Originates.
Four Yuchi who had wives decided one day to kill them. So they killed
the four women. "There is no such thing as death. So let us go and hunt
them," said they.'

' The implication in this statement is that death wa.s then non-existent.

F. G. SPECK — ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 145

Accordingly the four luisbauds set out to find their •u'ives. They said,
"Let us go where the Creator is." They set out westward and traveled a
long while, coming at length to a place where there was a great cave. Before
its mouth swayed a great cloud, in such a manner that they could not get by
it or around it, for it was moving up and down. They saw that their journey
would end here unless they could devise some means of passing the cloud. It
was decided that they imitate something very swift and get in in that way.
Said one of the men, "I'll be a deer." So he became a deer, and when the
cloud raised up the next time, he jumped in. The ne.xt said, "I'll he a panther. "
And when the cloud raised up, he jumped in. The third man said, "I'll be a
bear." And the next time the cloud raised up, he too jumped in. They had
all jumped at the right time, and had succeeded. Now the fourth man said,
"I am a man, and I'll be a man." And when he tried to get in, the cloud fell
on his head and crushed him.

Then the three men who had reached the inside of the cave took their
natural shape as men, and began to climb up the back of the cloud within the
cave. After they had been some time climbing, they came to a wonderful
scene, and as they went on they beheld an old woman seated there. The old
woman was the sun. When she saw them she spoke to them.

"My sons, are you come. Are you not hungry?"

And the men said that they were hungry. Accordingly she planted a
hill of com, a hill of beans, and a hill of squash for each man. Now when they
saw her doing this, they thought, "Well, as we are so hungry shall we have
to wait for these things to grcJvv before we can eat?" But the old woman knew
their thoughts, and replied as though they had spoken out loud. She said,

"You think you won't eat very soon, but you won't have long to wait."

Even then the plants began to sprout and grow up, and soon they fruited,
and it was not long before they gathered the com, beans and squashes, and were
ready to eat. The old woman then put a small quantity of the vegetables
before each man. But they said, "Do you think that that little will fill us?"
In reply, she said to them, "There will be some left over."

When they had finished eating, it was as she had said. There was some
left over. Now the old woman spoke to the men again.

"What did you come here for? What do you want?" she asked them.

"We had four wives who are dead. We lost them, and they told us to
hunt for them. So we are here."

"Well, they are here," said the old woman, "we are going to have an all-
night dance, and the women will be there. Then you will see them."

Now the men were deciding whether to stay for the dance, or to go on.
And while they were thinking over it, a panther monster came up, and they
were very much afraid. But as soon as they saw him, the old woman lifted up
her dress and told the men to come and get beneath it; they went under and

146 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUB. UNIV. OF PA. 3IUSEU.M, VOL. I.

stie protected them. WTien the great monster came near, he said to her, "I
smell people." But the old woman said, "You smell me." The monster
was deceived and went away. Then when it became time the men Went to
the dance. They arrived at the place where they were dancing, and the men
could hear the dance Ijut they couldn't see anything. They said to the old
woman,

"We can hear, but we cannot see. So give us a sign so tliat we may know
that our wives are here."

Then the old woman got a coal from the fire and put it on the hip of one
of the women who was now dancing with the rest. She did the same with
each woman until the four had coals of fire on their hips. Now all that the
men could see was the coal, when the women were dancing. But they stayed
there watching. Soon the old woman said to them,

"If you cannot see, lay down and go to sleep."

So they did as they Were told, and went to sleep. The old woman left
them, and getting four large gourds, made holes in them and put one woman
in each gourd. Then she carried the gourds to where the men were, and woke
them up, saying, "Here are your wouTen. " She laid the gourds do^vn, one near
each man, and said,

"Now lie down and sleep again. When j-ou wake vip you will be back on
earth. But when you wake up, don't open the gourds." She told them,
"When you get back to your people, go to a dance and take these gourds with
you."

Then they went to sleep again, and after a while woke up. They were
back on the earth. They went on until they reached their people. But on
the way, one of the men became impatient, and opened his gourd. Imme-
diately a great wind came out antl went up in the air. So the other three kept
theirs and didn't open them. At last they reached their own land. When
the time for a dance came around they took their gourds with them. While
they were dancing they hit their gourds on the ground and broke them. The
women jumped out and joined them in the dance. But the man who broke
his beforehand, when he saw the other women restored to their men, wept.
Now that's the way it was done.

The three who had done as the old woman told them, had a good time
and were afterwards called by the others, "the people hunters." They Were
considered to be very wise, and in a short time they all became great chiefs and
councillors in their tribe.

9. Tobacco Originates from Semen.
A man and a woman went into the woods. The man had intercourse
with the woman and the semen fell upon the groimd. From that time they
separated, each going his own way. But after a while the woman passed near

F. G. SPECK — ETIIXOLOGY OF THE YUCIII INDIANS. 147

tlic place again, and thinking to reviwit the spot, Wnit there and Ijeheld i^onu;
strange weeds growing upon it. She watched them a long while. Soon she
met the man who had been with her, and said to him, "Let us go to the place
and I will show you something beautiful. " They went there and saw it. She
asked him what name to call the weeds, and he asked her what name she would
give them. But neither of them would give a name. Now the woman had a
fatherless boy, and she went and told the boy that she had something Ijoautiful.
She said, "Let us go and see it."

When they arrived at the place she said to him, "This is the thing that 1
was telling you about." And the boy at once began to examine it. After
a little while he said, "I'm going to name this." Then he named it, 'I', 'to-
bacco.' He pulled up some of the weeds and carried them home carefully
and planted them in a selected place. He nursed the plants and they grew and
became ripe. Now they had a good odor and the boy began to chew the leaves.
He found them very good, and in order to preserve the plants he saved the seeds
when they were ripe. He showed the rest of the people how to use the tobacco,
and from the seeds which he preserved, all got plants and raised the tobacco
for themselves.

10. Wind Seeks His Lost Sons and Kills the Iron Monster.

The Wind came out of the east and was lying somewhere, they say. Ho
had four young men; they were his sons. One of them once said, "Let us go
and look at the earth. " That's why they went, and they haven't come back
yet. So the young man went west and Was gone a long time ; he has never come
back. Soon after, the second young man went and did not come back. Then
the third young man went and he did not come back. None of them came back.

Now the Wind said, "I will go myself." He prepared and got everything
ready. He told them to Ijring him a chair. They brought him a large terrapin.
Then he ordered his pipe, telling them to bring him a bullfrog. Then he called
for his pipe-stem. They brought a kind of snake and made a pipe-stem. He
told them to get his tobacco. They Ijrought him snake dung for tobacco. He
told them to get his ammunition bag. They got him another snake for the
ammunition bag. And when he told them to bring a belt for the ammunition
bag, they brought him a bullsnake's hide for that. Then the Wind was ready.

He got up and started toward the west, the way the young men had gone
before him. He followed their trail, traveling a long while, and at last came
to a creek. Across the creek on the opposite l^ank he saw a white rooster. A
short distance back there was a house. Now- when the rooster saw him it flew
over and alighted on the roof of the house. Then someone came out and
crossed the creek in a little boat to meet liim. Then the man in the boat
told Wind to get in with him and go across. But Wind said that he had his
own way to get across. So he put the terrapin in the creek and got on his back

118 AXTIIKOPOI.OGICAL PUIi. UNIV. OF TA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

and tlie terrapin carried him across. Then they went on and soon reached the
house. Wicn Wind got to the house, the man gave him a chair and told him
to sit do%\ai. Wind said that he had his own chair. He took the terrapin
and sat down on him. The man then asked Wind to smoke with him. Wind
said that he was willing, but that he had his own tobacco. And taking the
snake dung, he put it in the frog's mouth, filling it up.

"Now all that I need is a httlc fire to light my tobacco with," said Wind.
But he had his own fire. Taking the joint snake he had with him he struck a
fire, and soon had a light for his pipe. He lighted it in that way. Then taking
the other snake which was the pipe-stem, he inserted this in the frog's anus.
So the pipe was finished, and in that way Wind could smoke with his host.

Now the owner of the house was a bad man; a man who could not be
killed. He Was made of iron. So he was Iron Man. Wind knew all about
that, and he even knew that Iron Man had killed his four young men. Then
Wind decided to kill him. When he smoked, he drew in a great deal of smoke
and blew it on Iron Man. And that is the way he killed him. When Iron Man
was dead, his wife came up and said to Wind,

"You killed my man. Let's marr}\"

But Wind said that he would not. He asked her where his four yoiuig
men were and what had become of them. Then she told him all about them.
She told him to go where he would find a certain dead tree near the water.
She told him that if he would go and cut this tree down and throw it in the
water, the four yoiuig men would come np from it. Then she guided Wind to
the tree and said to him, "Cut it down." She got an axe and Wind cut the
tree do\via. Then he threw it in the water as Iron Man's wife had told him.
And the four young men came out of the water. When they stood on the
ground they all looked black. They recognized Wind, but they told him that
they were not imder his control any longer. "Well, I'll make something
different out of you, then," he said to them. Then one of the young men
said, "What shall I be?" But Wind did not answer him, for that.

"I'll be a wolf," said the second. So the Wind told him to go into the
woods, and he went.

Wind asked the thiril what he would be. "I'll be a crow," said he.
Then Wind asked the fourth what he would be. "I'll be a raven," said the
fourth young man. Wind told him to go into the forest. Now the first
young man who had spoken too soon was the only one left. And Wind said to
hhn, "'Wliat will you be?" "I'll be a clog," said he. "Well, you go and stay
with the wolf," said Wind to him. And he went.

Now Wind was through with the young men. He said, "Some tlay I will
go back where I came from. As I go I'll leave nothing in my way."

Wind has never come back; he is there yet. But some day he will come.
That is what the old Yuchi sav.

r. g. speck ethnology of the ycchi indians. 149

11. The Lost Yuchi.

They say the Yuchi all lived together in the old days. They had a dance,
and while they were dancing, a quarrel arose among them. Some of them had
bear hides upon their backs, and the rest were dancing with wildcat skins.
The people who wore the bear hides then departed. They Went west, over
the great mountains. The others who had the wildcat skins remained. All
the Yuchi here are the wildcat hide people. But what became of the bear
hide people no one knows. They are both Yuchi but they cannot find each
other.

12. Origin of Thunder and Lightning.

There is a great being, whose name is Kd^sdnd^wi. He rides over the
seas upon a great blacksnake. Wlien he goes in and out of the water, there is a
great noise. That is the thunder. Sometimes the great snake shakes his tail,
and that is what makes the lightning. But that is another story.

1.3. Why the Cedar Tree is Red-Geained*, and How the Sun Was
Rescued from a Sorcerer.

An unknown mj'sterious being once came down upon the earth and met
people there, who were the ancestors of the Yuchi Lulians. To them this being
taught many of the arts of life, and in matters of religion admonished them to
call the sun their mother as a matter of worship. Every morning the sun,
after rising above the horizon, makes short stops, and then goes faster until it
reaches the noon point. So the Unknown inquired of them what was the
matter wath the sun. They denied having any knowledge about it, and said,
"Somebody has to go there to see and examine." "Wlio would go there, and
what could he do after he gets there?" The people said, "We are afraid to go
up there." But the Unknown selected two men to make the ascent, gave to
each a club, and instructed them that as soon as the wizard who was playing
these tricks on the sun was leaving his cavern in the earth and appeared on
the surface they should kill him on the spot. "It is a wizard who causes the
sun to go so fast in the morning, for at sunrise he makes dashes at it, and the sun,
being afraid of him, tries to flee from his presence." The two brave men went
to the rising place of the sun to watch the orifice from which the sun emerges.
The wizard appeared at the mouth of the cave, and at the same time the sun
was to rise from another orifice beyond it. The wizard watched for the fiery
disk and put himself in position to rush and jump at it at the moment of its
appearance. When the wizard held up his head the two men knocked it off
from his body with their clubs, took it to their tribe, and proclaimed that they

' From A. S. Gatschet, Some Mythic Stories of the Yuchi Indians, American Anthro-
pologist, Vol. VI, p. 281.

150 AXTIinOrOLOGICAL Pr:B. UXIV. OF PA. JIUSEVHr, VOL. I.

hail killed the sorcerer who had for so long a time urged the sun to a quicker
motion. But the wizard's head was not dead yet. It was stirring and moving
about, and to stop this the man of mysterious origin advised the people to tie
the head on the uppermost limbs of a tree. They did so, and on the next
niorning the head fell to the ground, for it Was not dead yet. He then ordered
them to tie the head to another tree. It still lived and fell to the ground the
next day. To insure success, the Unknown then made them tie it to a red
cedar tree. There it remained, and its life became extinct. The blood of the
head ran through the cedar. Henceforth the grain of tlie wood assumed a
reddish color, and the cedar tree became a medicine tree.'

14. The Okihin' dp the White People axd Their Fikst Appe.vranceto
the yuchi.

It was out upon the ocean. Some sea-foam formed against a big log float-
ing there. Then a person emerged from the sea-foam and crawled out upon the
log. He was seen sitting there. Another person crawled up, on the other side
of the log. It was a woman. They were wliites. Soon the Indians saw them,
and at first thought that they were sea-gulls, and they said among themselves,
"Arc not they white people?" Then they made a boat and went out to look
at the strangers more closely.

Later on the whites Were seen in their house-boat . Then they disappeared.

In about a year they returned, and there were a great many of them.
The Indians talked to them but they could not understand each other. Then
the whites left.

But they eanie liack in another year witli a great nian>- ships. They a]i-
proached the Indians and asked if they could come ashore. They said, "Yes. "
So the whites landed, but they seemed to be afraid to walk much on the water.
They went away again over the sea.

This time they Were gone a shorter time; only three months pas.sed and
they came again. They had a box with them and asked the Indians for some
earth to fill it. It was given to them as they desired. The first time they
asketl they had a square box, and when that was filled they brought a big
shallow box. They filled this one too. Earth was put in them and when they
were carried aboard the ship the white men planted seed in them and many
things were raised. After they had taken away the shallow box, the whites
came back and told the Indians that their land was veiy strong and fertile.
So they asked the Indians to give them a portion of it that they might live on
it. The Indians agreed to do it, the whites came to the shore, and they have
lived there ever since.

' Cedar wood is always used in the manufacture of the flageolet (.see Music) and cedar
leaves are important agents in the medicinal practice (q. v.).

f. g. speck — ethnology of the yuchi indians. 151

15. The Wolves Kill the Terrapin and Give the Terrapin Red Eyes.

The Terrapin was lying in a hollow. A Wolf came near and stood on the
slope above the Terrapin. The Terrapin soon began to revile the Wolf, calling
him bad names. Now the Wolf became very angry and straightway called his
friends to help him punish the Terrapin. They gave chase and the Terrapin
was compelled to crawl into a hollow log. They soon managed to get her out
of this, but she got away and climbed up a grapevine into a tree. The wolves
searched for her and at last saw her shadow. But they did not see where the
Terrapin Was, until after\vards. Then they began shooting at her and finally
killed her with the old arrows which they picked up. The Wolf who was at the
head of them told them what to do. So they tore her up. Then he took her
head and held it up and asked who would eat it. The one whom he asked
would not eat it. He said, "No! I will not eat it; it would give me a headache
and kill me." He offered it to another one, and received the same answer.
Each time he offered it to a wolf it was refused, and he could get no one to eat
the Terrapin's head. Then the Wolf became very angry and took some of the
blood and threw it in the eyes of the young terrapins who were standing around.
That is why all terrapins have red eyes.

16. The Heron Outwits the Parrot.

The Parrot and the Heron were friends. They met one day and the
Parrot asked the Heron to come over and visit him. The Heron was willing, so
one day he went over to pay his visit. The Parrot was going to have dinner
for him. When the food was ready, the Parrot put a fiat dish full of it before
the Heron and told him to eat away. But the dish was so flat that he could
not get any of the food into his mouth. After trying a number of times he
gave it up and decided to go home hungry. But before he left he asked the
Parrot to come over and have dinner with him soon. Then he left.

Before long the Parrot went to dine with the Heron. The Heron had
things ready and when they thought it time to eat, he got out his dinner. But
now his dinner was in a high deep pot. This was all right for the Heron, but
the Parrot could not get his bill near the food, because the pot was too deep.
So he had to go home hungry himself, just as the Heron had to when he visited
him. He was disappointed.

17. Rabbit Outwits Wolf and Steals Pigs.
The Rabbit and the Wolf were friends. One day the Rabbit said to the
Wolf, "There are some fine pigs in a certain pen. I always kill and eat some.
Let us go and get some now. " So the Wolf agreed and they went to the place
where some one had some fine hogs. "Now," said Rabbit to the Wolf, "you
are the largest. You jump over the fence and knock one on the head and

152 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PDB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

kill him. Throw him over the fence. You are the larger. You carry him
and go on home and I will watch." The Wolf jumped over and got a good
hog. He dragged him over the fence and started to carry him home. But
the Rabbit had gone and cut a big pole. When the Wolf came along, Rabbit
ran around his head and hit him with the pole. Then the Wolf dropped the
hog and made off for home as fast as he could. He was struck hard, for he
never looked back to see what it was. Now the Rabbit took the hog and carried
it home with him. All night he roasted meat and had a good time.

Then he thought, "I have hit my good friend, I must go and see him."
He laughed a great deal. Then he went to the Wolf's house to see him. " What
was the matter with you?" he asked him. "They whipped me, " saiil the ■\^'olf.
"Yes, I heard you making a din and I ran off," said Rabliit.

18. Rabbit and Wolf Go Courting.

The Rabbit and the Wolf were fond of two girls. But the girls would often
make fun of the Rabbit because he Was smaller and weaker than the Wolf.
"Well, I am smarter than Wolf, and you will see," said he at last.

Soon he met the Wolf, who was on his way to the girls' house. The Wolf
wanted company so he asked Rabbit to go with him. "No," said Rabbit, "I
am too tired. " " Well, never mind, get up on my back and ride, " the Wolf told
him. Then the Rabbit agreed, and mounted the Wolf's back. " But you must
go slowly. I am sore, " he said. Soon they arrive at the house. "Now, I'll
go and knock on the door, you wait here, "said the Rabbit. Then he knocks
on the door, and when the girls come, he says to them, " See the Wolf hitched
out there. He is my horee. I'll drive him in." Then he goes out and tells
the Wolf that the girls are ready and want to see them. He mounts the Wolf's
back again. Then he digs his spurs into the Wolf and whips him up. They
dash through the door, and almost break dov\Ti the house. "See! I told j'ou
so," shouted the Rabbit as he rushed by the frightened girls.

19. The Rabbit is Trapped by the Tar-man, and Escapes.

Now the Rabbit used to steal beans from a certain man. He would go
to the place where the beans were kept, during the night, and steal as many as
he needed. The man made up his mind to catch the Rabbit. So he got some
tar iyasocV, 'pine drops, ') and made a little man out of it. He put a stick in its
hand and laid it near where the beans were the next night. Again the Rabbit
went to steal beans. But when he got to the place and saw the tar-man there
with a stick, he became angry, and told the little man that if he did not drop
the stick, he would kick him. Then he kicked him, but his foot stuck to the
tar-man, and Rabbit then told him that, unless he let go, he woukl kick him
again. So he kicked him again, and that foot, too, got stuck. Then Rabbit

F. G. SPECK ETHNOLOGY OF THE YUCHI INDIANS. 153

told him that, if he did not let go now, he would hit him. Then he hit the little
man and his hand stuck where he hit the tar. Rabbit then told him the same
thing as before, and when he hit him with the other hand that stuck too. So
the Rabbit Was well trapped.

In the morning the owner of the beans came to see what had happened.
He laughed when he saw Rabbit caught there, and got everj'thing ready to
loosen the Rabbit and put him in a box. But Rabbit escaped from the man and
ran away. Then the man put the tar-man among the beans again. Before
many nights had passed Rabbit came again for beans, and the same thing
happened as before. Rabbit quarreled with the tar-man and soon was trapped
hand and foot. Now this time the owner of the beans came and when he found
Rabbit caught again he made sure that he would not escape. He got him safely
in a box, and said, "To-morrow I'll throw you in the river." He left Rabbit
all night. Now before the time came for the man to throw him into the river.
Rabbit was determined to escape.

The man's son was playing around near the box where Rabbit was, and
soon Rabbit said to him, "Let me out, and you get in here; they are going to
throw me into the river." So the boy did open the box and got in himself.
Then the Rabbit ran away. Tlie man threw the boy into the river. That was
his son, but he did not know it.

20. The Rabbit Visits the Bear and Fails to Imitate Him.

The Bear and the Rabbit were friends. The Rabbit went to visit the
Bear and to have dinner with him. Before they Were ready to eat, the Bear
went upstairs and cut some fat from his entrails. Then he cooked it with the
beans. The dinner was very good, and Rabbit thought about it and made up
his mind to do the same as the Bear when he wanted to have a fine dinner.
Then the Rabbit told the Bear to come to sec him. Said he, "I live in the
raspberry patch. You must come to dinner."

Soon the Bear went over to the Rabbit's house and visited him. Before
dinner the Rabbit went upstairs to cut some fat from his entrails. But when
he cut his entrails he was hurt, and the pain was so great that he made a great
uproar. The Bear ran upstairs to see what was the matter, and found that
Rabbit had cut his entrails. "Now," said the Bear, "I'll show you how to do
that. " And he cut some fat from himself and cooked it with the beans that
Rabbit had prepared. Then they had their dinner. The Bear thought about
it and went home laughing.

21. Wildcat Feigns Death and Deceives the Rabbit.

The Wildcat was lying in a shady place in the woods. They thought he
was asleep. The Rabbit came that way and found him lying there. So he

154: AN'THROPOl.nciCAl; VVB. UXIV. OF PA. lirSEUM, VOL. I.

called the Turkeys and told them that the Wildcat was dead and l.ving not far
away. They assembled and made ready for a good time. A rattle was brought
and they began to dance, round and round the Wildcat. Then they thought
they might as well eat him. But suddenly the Wildcat jumped up among
them. He caught the Rabbit and a fat Turkey.

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM. VOL. I.

PonTR.\iTS OF YucHi Men and Women (full face and profile).

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL.

Portraits of Yuchi Men and Women.

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL.

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

Types of Yuchi Basketrt.

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

BrcKSKix (.'o,\T (Cherokee).

Breechcloth, Leggings, Moccasins and S.«hes.

rH. FUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM. VOL.

Spoons and Ladles.

AMH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM. VOL.

loRTOisE Shell Leg IIattles

0''~C O'^'O 0**« O ^^ 9

o __ e o o o , - o o CT, *

1^

v/yy k; ^y

! -Ji

■23

YrcHi Beadwork Designs. (See page 56.)

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

'^'fmrr^ V^

YucHi Pictures, Drawings and De.sign.s. (See page 57.)

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

YucHi Faci.\l Painting. (See page 76.)

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

4-

Symbolism of the Public Square-Ground. (See page 111.)

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL.

1. Big Turtle Dance. First Night, Annual Ceremony.

2. Big Turtle Dance. First Night, Annual Ceremony.

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

1. New'^Fire Kite. PEroNn Pay. Annitat, Ceremony.

2. Officials PREPARiNr, .\1f.iiki.\f. Plants. Second Day, Annual Ceremony.

^NTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM. VOL. I.

1. The Srii.vTcniNG Oper.\tton. Second D.w, Annu.^l Ceremony.

The Sch.\T( hing Operation Concluded Second D.\y, Annual Ceremony.

^NTH. PUB. UMV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL. I.

The Rite of the E;.metic Concluded. Second D.\y, Annu.kl Ceremony.

ANTH. PUB. UNIV. OF PA. MUSEUM, VOL.

Scenes at the 13.\ll G.\me. Second Day, Annual Ceremony.

2j?S. JfO

7/-

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